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M. D. Priselkov. Russian-Byzantine relations IX-XII centuries. "Bulletin" ancient history", 1939, No. 3, pp. 98-109.

Both historians of Byzantium and Russian historians worked a lot on the study of Russian-Byzantine relations. But neither one nor the other proposed, however, a scheme that would cover these relations throughout their entire length - from the 9th to the 15th centuries. — and which would reveal their essence and meaning. There is no doubt that the difficulties that arose for researchers here were explained by a special kind of reflection of these relations in both Byzantine and Russian sources. Only an understanding of the nature and purpose of such a fundamental source for understanding Russian-Byzantine relations as the Russian chronicle of the 11th-15th centuries makes it possible to now propose a scheme of this kind. The latter relies on the work of previous scientists, who worked with great success to understand and unravel some aspects of Russian-Byzantine relations, and partly requires additional research and revision of some issues.

In the history of Russian-Byzantine relations over more than six centuries, three main stages can be noted. Beginning from the time “when the magical spells that attracted the northern barbarians to western Rome attracted Rus' to eastern Rome,” Russian-Byzantine relations were radically modified under Yaroslav, when the Kievan state both actually and formally concluded a strong and lasting military alliance with Byzantium against the steppe people (1037). This union, now weakening, now strengthening, depending on the complexity international situation Empire and from the internal phenomena of feudal decay Kyiv State, was not shaken by the fall of Constantinople in 1204 and even survived the Tatar conquest.

The subordination of the Russian principalities to the Golden Horde khans was the third stage in the history of Russian-Byzantine relations. The Nicene Empire, using the wide religious tolerance of the khans and interpreting Russian-Byzantine relations as religious relations, retains the significance of the main administrative center of the Russian principalities and, not without success, extends its sphere of influence to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania through those Russian principalities that were part of it.

In this article we will focus only on the first two stages of the history of Russian-Byzantine relations, which together cover the time of the Kievan state (IX-XIII centuries).

The deplorable state of Byzantine historiography in the 9th and first half of the 10th centuries. is the reason that to this day only scattered and not always clear references to the first attacks of Rus' on Byzantium have survived in Byzantine cult monuments (“lives” and church teachings). In the first quarter of the 9th century. (if not at the end of the 8th century) Rus' attacks the Crimean coast from Korsun to Kerch (Life of Stephen of Sourozh). In the second quarter of the same 9th century. (before 842) Rus' ravages the Asia Minor coast of the Black Sea from the Propontis to Sinop (Life of George of Amastrid). Finally, on June 18, 860, Rus', arriving on 200 ships, unexpectedly attacked Constantinople, taking advantage of the absence of Emperor Michael, who had gathered troops to defend the Asia Minor border. The emperor, returning from the road, began peace negotiations and concluded a treaty of “peace and love.” The week-long siege of Constantinople (June 18-25), to the great joy of the Byzantines, was lifted. Rus' withdrew without defeat; for the Empires, all disasters were limited to the devastation of the outskirts of the capital.

But Rus' is not only at war with Byzantium, devastating lands and cities, it is also conducting diplomatic negotiations. In 839, according to the successor of the Vertin annals, the ambassadors of Rus' were in Constantinople, negotiating with Emperor Theophilus. By 866-867. refers to a new agreement between Rus' and Byzantium on alliance and friendship (which has not reached us, like the agreement of 860), this time secured on the part of Rus' by the adoption of Christianity from Byzantium and the “bishop-shepherd” from Constantinople (Message of Patriarch Photius and biography of the emperor Vasily). Not without reason, our chronicler of the late 11th century. connected the campaign of 860 and the adoption of Christianity by Russia with the fact that the Church of Nicholas was erected on the grave of Askold. From some hints in the message of Patriarch Photius, written in connection with the campaign of Rus' in 860, one can see a very good acquaintance of Byzantine diplomacy with this then new political entity in the north-east of Europe, far from Byzantium.

Three documents from the history of Russian-Byzantine diplomatic relations (911, 944 and 971), preserved by the author of The Tale of Bygone Years (early 12th century), introduce us in great detail to the essence of these relations, where trade interest for the Russian side comes first plan. These documents provide us, moreover, with precious material for elucidating the internal history of Rus', much more reliable than the memories and traditions of our chronicles about this time (his tendentious reconstruction of the history of the 9th-10th centuries has now been proven).

About the trade of Rus' back in the first half of the 9th century. we are sufficiently informed through Ibn Khordadbeg. The area of ​​this trade at that time was the Black Sea. However, later Rus' obviously wants to enter the world market of Constantinople, and it manages to achieve this in the middle of the 9th century. The market of Constantinople was not at all an open marketplace for any “barbarian” (i.e., non-Greek) people. Here it was possible to trade, either by recognizing the power of the Empire over oneself to some extent, or by achieving, through open violence, recognition from the Empire as a new political entity. In the 9th century, as we have seen, the position of Rus' fluctuated in these contradictory conditions. The treaty of 911, which has survived to this day, seems to begin anew the history of Russian-Byzantine relations.

Oleg's Treaty of 911, with its entire content, speaks eloquently about the just-experienced victory of Rus' over the Empire, which was well remembered in folk songs and legends here and in Scandinavia, but about which Byzantine sources are completely silent. However, it is precisely this campaign and its result that Constantine Porphyrogenitus (mid-10th century) speaks of in the following terms: “When the Roman (i.e., Byzantine) king lives in peace with the Pechenegs, then neither Rus' nor the Turks (i.e. Hungarians) cannot carry out attacks on the Roman power (i.e. Byzantium), nor can they demand from the Romans (i.e. Byzantines) extremely big money and things in payment for peace."

The Treaty of 911 provides for the right to visit Constantinople by ambassadors of Rus', presenting the gold seals of the Russian prince, by guests presenting silver seals, and, finally, by ordinary soldiers wishing to enter military service with the emperor. The Russian prince must first prohibit all these persons from “doing dirty tricks in the villages of our country” (i.e., in the Empire). The ambassadors receive from the emperor the contents they choose according to their wishes. Guests who come not only to sell, but also to buy, receive from the emperor a “month” (bread, wine, meat, fish and fruit) for six months. Guests who come only for sales do not receive a “month”. Ambassadors and guests must live on the outskirts of Constantinople, in the Mammoth Monastery, where Imperial officials keep records of them for issuing ambassadorial allowances and “months.” Here, the first place is given to the residents of Kiev, then the residents of Chernigov, then the residents of Pereyaslavl and representatives of other cities. Trade for Russians is carried out without any duty. city ​​markets, merchants pass through certain gates in groups of 50, unarmed and accompanied by a policeman. When leaving home, ambassadors and guests receive provisions for the journey and ship gear from the king. Any Russian warrior who came to Byzantium in the ranks of the army sent from Rus' to help the Tsar, or in some other way, can, if he wishes, remain in Byzantium in the Tsar’s service.

The agreement examines in sufficient detail the possibilities of clashes between Russians and Greeks, both personal and property-related, with the definition of standards of penalties “according to Russian law.” It also specifies the mutual obligations of the parties in relation to victims of the shipwreck.

The Treaty of 911, without a word mentioning either the Christianity of Rus' or the church ties of Rus' with the Empire, however, builds a bridge to one of the previous treaties of Rus' with the Empire, calling itself a “retention” and “notification” - “for many years the boundaries of Christians and former love with Russia.” The variety of topics covered in Oleg’s treaty and the detail of their presentation testify to the living and complex relationships between the parties that did not arise yesterday, and, naturally, lead us to the relationships known to us at the end of the 9th century. One must think that Oleg considered himself a successor to the policies and power of the former leaders of the Kyiv state (IX century).

A number of Byzantine evidence tells us that in 941 Rus' launched a new campaign against Constantinople with enormous forces (they were estimated at 40 thousand). This campaign, as in 860, was launched with the expectation of diverting the Byzantine fleet against the Saracens, as a result of which the Greeks, despite the timely warning of the Chersonese strategist, were unable to hold Igor’s troops all the way to the Constantinople Channel. However, Igor failed to take the capital of the Empire; Russian troops began to devastate the Asia Minor coast from the Bosphorus to Bithynia and Paphlagonia, where they were caught by the troops of the Empire and suffered a heavy defeat. With only insignificant remnants of the army, Igor left across the Sea of ​​Azov, thereby, of course, avoiding the Pecheneg ambush on the Dnieper.

Only in 944 the gap in Russian-Byzantine relations was eliminated by the conclusion of a new treaty. The latter, although it was proclaimed in the text as a “renewal” of the old treaty (911), was in many ways less beneficial for the Russians. Ambassadors and guests were now obliged to present to the emperor a written document from the Russian prince, which was to indicate the number of ships sent; those arriving without such a document were arrested, which was reported to the Russian prince. Trade without duty was stopped. The purchase of pavoloks was limited to the norm of 50 spools per merchant. A new article has been introduced banning the wintering of ships within the Empire. Repeating the articles of the 911 treaty on the norms of punishment for crimes against the person and property of the subjects of the contracting parties, the 944 treaty introduces a number of new topics. Among them, the first, of course, is the Korsun issue. If the Russian prince does not seize the cities of this coast into his power, then the Greeks will assist him in his wars “in those countries.” The Russians should not prevent the Korsun residents from fishing at the mouth of the Dnieper and should go home in the fall both from the Dnieper mouth and from Beloberezhye and from Elferiy. The Russian prince undertakes not to let the Black Bulgarians “dirty” the Korsun country. Finally, the emperor has the right to call Russian “howls” to his aid in wartime, indicating in writing their number, while he, for his part, promises to put military force at the disposal of the Russian prince, “to the fullest extent possible,” apparently for the protection of Byzantine possessions in Crimea.

Without touching on some humiliation of the Russian side in the treaty of 944, in comparison with the treaty of 911, and without going into consideration of the curtailment of the trade rights of Russian merchants against the treaty of 911, we will point out a new circumstance in the history of Rus', arising from the content of the treaty of 944 The city of Igor's Rus', having firmly taken possession of the lands on the Black Sea, is drawn into an alliance of military assistance with the Empire, subject to respect for Byzantine rights. Doesn’t it follow from this that Rus', after the failure of 941, achieved the treaty of 944 with a happy war in the “Korsun country”, where Rus' was already firmly established as a neighbor of the Empire, if not a rival in the possession of the Khazar inheritance? In this case, we have an analogy with the situation in April 989, when Vladimir, with the Korsun campaign, sought from the Empire to fulfill the promises of 988.

As is known, a contemporary of Igor and Olga, Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in his essay “De administrando imperio” repeatedly speaks about Rus', its political structure, its trade with the Empire, being, as it were, a commentator on the diplomatic acts of 911 and 944. The extent to which Byzantine diplomacy carefully studied the participants in the international diplomatic game and possible aggressors is evident from the fact that Constantine, describing the trade road from Kyiv to Constantinople, can name the Dnieper rapids in Russian and Slavic.

If Igor’s treaty of 944 leaves open the question of the possibility of the adoption of Christianity by the Kyiv prince, then during the reign of Igor’s widow in Kiev this opportunity is realized, however, not as the baptism of the Kyiv state, but as a personal matter of “Archontissa” Olga. If we proceed from Russian, Byzantine and Western sources, we can argue about whether Olga traveled to Constantinople once or twice, but based on the writings of the same Constantine Porphyrogenitus, about the ceremonies of the Byzantine court, we can undoubtedly establish that on her visit to the capital of the Empire in 957 Olga was already a Christian and had her priest as part of her retinue. The purpose of her visit was diplomatic negotiations with the emperor. As you know, Olga was given two audiences - with the emperor and the empress. Received with the same ceremonies as the Syrian ambassadors who had been with the emperor before her, the “Archontess of the Russians” left Byzantium with a feeling of dissatisfaction from the pointlessness of the trip and deep resentment for herself and her people. This was vividly captured in folk songs; many legends were written about this, some of which were used in our chronicles. The Treaty of 945 gave us the opportunity to see that the Kyiv prince had many topics for diplomatic negotiations with the Empire; but we have no data to guess which of them Olga had in mind when seeking personal negotiations with the emperor. However, whatever these topics, the reason for the failure of Olga's negotiations is completely clear. The Emperor at that time believed that in the north the Empire at any cost should maintain friendship only with the Pecheneg people, since the fear of attack from the latter would keep both the Hungarians and the Russians within proper boundaries.

The name of Emperor Nikephoros Phocas is rightly associated with a major turning point in Byzantine policy in the north, which involved the Kyiv prince Svyatoslav in its whirlpool. Having set out to conquer Bulgaria and make it a Byzantine region, the emperor thereby moved his northern border to the steppe. He destroyed the system of political groupings of the steppe and steppe peoples, which Emperor Constantine in his treatise on the northern politics of the Empire boastfully speaks of as a great achievement of Byzantine diplomacy. Not without reason, historians consider Phocas’s desire to conquer Bulgaria, which the Bulgarian people experienced so painfully, to be a serious mistake, the consequences of which affected until the end of the Empire’s existence.

Having begun the planned conquest of the Bulgarians, Nikifor Phokas was soon forced to be distracted to protect the Syrian borders from the Arabs. As you know, he turned to Kyiv Svyatoslav. With an army of 60 thousand, Svyatoslav invaded Bulgaria in 968 and had undoubted military success here. Diverted for a time to Kyiv to protect the Kyiv state from an attack by the Pechenegs, organized by the frightened Byzantines, Svyatoslav returned to Bulgaria again. Phokas' successor, John Tzimisces, rushed there in 971, having just finished the Arab War and coped with the military revolt of Bardas Phokas. Under the guise of the deliverer of the Bulgarian people from the violence of the Russian conqueror, Tzimiskes sought the support of the Bulgarians and, taking advantage of the oversight of Svyatoslav, who did not guard the mountain passes, began the blockade of Dorostol, which lasted three months. After a desperate but unsuccessful attempt to break the blockade, Svyatoslav began negotiations, as a result of which he negotiated for himself the right to return home, receive provisions for the road (bread was issued for 22 thousand soldiers) and renew the trade agreement, i.e., probably the agreement of 944 In addition, a written agreement, dated the same 971 and relating to the same pre-Rostol negotiations of Svyatoslav, was preserved in the chronicle. Of course, it would be wrong to call it an agreement between Svyatoslav and Tzimiskes, since in this document there are no two contracting parties, but only a written confirmation by Svyatoslav of his obligations to the emperor. The obligations were that he, Svyatoslav, would not fight the Empire again, would not raise other peoples against the Empire, neither on the Korsun side, nor on Bulgaria, and in the event of an enemy attack on the Empire, he would have to fight the enemy of the Empire. It is unlikely that this oath of Svyatoslav meant only the Pechenegs, as historians usually interpret. There is every reason to think that when the Empire was in difficult circumstances of the military riots of 986-989. turned to Kyiv Vladimir Svyatoslavich for help, she relied precisely on the obligation that she had assumed Kyiv prince in 971

It is known that Byzantine politicians had to supplement their demand for help from the Kyiv prince with a promise from the Byzantine emperor to give his sister as a wife to the Kyiv prince, subject, of course, to the baptism of the Kyiv state. This addition was caused by the critical situation of the ruling dynasty. The required assistance was provided by Vladimir, but when the other side fulfilled the agreement, delays and friction arose, which led in April 989 to war between the allies and the capture of Korsun by Vladimir. Only then did Byzantium fulfill its promise, subject to the status quo ante, Vladimir returned Korsun to the Empire; “sharing for the queen’s vein.”

In the future, however, we do not see strong ties between the Empire and the Kyiv state - neither political nor church. Byzantium not only does not show any interest in the new “Christian” power, but even almost summons the Pecheneg army, which for many years closes the possibility of normal relations with the Empire for Kyiv.

We have an indication that in 1016 Vladimir's brother Sfengos helped the Empire in its war with Khazaria. Under 1018, Thietmar mentions some kind of embassy from Kyiv to Byzantium. Finally, some brother-in-law of Vladimir is named Hryusokheir, who in 1023/24 raided the Dardanelles with 800 soldiers, broke through to Lemnos, where he died in battle. It is difficult, however, to connect all these scattered indications with the news of our chronicles and with the general line of Russian and Byzantine politics of these years. Only in 1037 do we learn from our chronicles about the resumption of Russian-Byzantine relations, and new form them gives us the right to talk about the second period of these relations.

Let us dwell on one curious circumstance, which was only recently clarified with sufficient completeness. “Christened” Rus' before 1037 was deprived of organized leadership or tutelage on the part of the Greeks in its church structure; and the Christian teaching and cult practice that she adopted differed from the Byzantine teaching and practice. By this time, the teachings of Byzantium were imbued with a gloomy monastic spirit and despondency, and practice was reduced to strict requirements of fasting and deprivation. Russian Christianity, on the other hand, was imbued with an extraordinary cheerfulness, and the practice was reduced to demands for alms for the poor and to participation in special feasts expressing feelings of joy and love. Russian princes and the highest circle of the feudal nobility, even after 1037, did not take monastic tonsure before death, and in Russian literary works we constantly come across the interpretation (even in the 12th century) that it is necessary and possible to earn the title of saint without leaving the world, but staying in it. The only (until the 13th century) prince close to the Greek churchmen of Kyiv and who became a monk without being old, received the ironic nickname “Saint,” assigned to him in the chronicle.

The Greek churchmen, who settled in Kyiv in 1037, made a lot of efforts to obscure or distort the reflection of the character of Russian Christianity from the baptism of Vladimir to 1037 in the monuments of our writing, considering it offensive to the authority of the Empire; they even tried to introduce Greek into Russian cult practice instead of Old Church Slavonic. Attempts of this kind had only partial success under some princes, such as under the half-Greek Vladimir Monomakh, but did not produce any lasting results. They were forever branded with an ironic folk saying: “they walked through the forest, sang with kuroles,” where the word “kuroles” is an adaptation of the Greek words Zhkirie, eleyson - “Lord, have mercy.”

The appointment of a Greek metropolitan sent from the Empire in 1037 as the head of the Russian clergy should be qualified as a great success of Byzantine policy, which always considered church relations an inseparable part of political relations. Now the Kiev state entered into closer relations with the Empire. The Russian prince received the title of steward of the emperor, and the agent of the Empire, who settled in Kyiv as a Russian metropolitan, began to play a prominent political role not only as the conductor of the orders of the Empire, but also as one of the directing centers of inter-princely relations.

What made Yaroslav agree to these conditions, which in some respects were similar to submission to the policies of the Empire? The answer to this, as well as the solution to the subsequent relations between Rus' and Byzantium, which were never completely broken, is the aggravation of the “steppe” issue, which required Yaroslav to find allies and help. The formidable invasion of the Kiev state by the Pecheneg people, who had lost their steppe nomads and were driven by an innumerable stream of new steppe inhabitants from the east, an invasion hardly repulsed by Yaroslav in 1036 with the help of a hired overseas army, opened the first page of a new steppe history. A military alliance with the Empire seemed to Yaroslav obviously the best way out. But Byzantium very soon made its “hegemony” felt so acutely that in 1043 a rupture occurred, followed by a military campaign of Rus' against Constantinople. Michael Psellus, an eyewitness to this campaign and the head of the Byzantine administration, in his essay calls this campaign of Rus' a “rebellion” of new subjects against the power of the emperor, and he sees the reason for the campaign in the fierce hatred of the Russians for the “hegemony” of the Empire established over them. The campaign of 1043, despite significant Russian forces (20 thousand), ended in the defeat of the attackers. The winner, apparently looking at the prisoners as rebels, blinded them.

However, three years later, Byzantium itself began to seek peace with the Kyiv state, which must be put in connection with the Pecheneg invasion of the Empire - into the former Bulgarian lands. But this world was still very far from the forms of relationships in 1037. Thus, in 1051, Yaroslav installed the Russian man Hilarion at the head of the Russian church in Kyiv, without discussing this appointment in Constantinople. Only in 1052 or 1053 was the Empire able to close such a long (almost ten-year) gap with Yaroslav and achieve his consent to accept a Greek metropolitan from Constantinople. Peace was finally restored thanks to the marriage of Yaroslav's son Vsevolod with the daughter of Emperor Monomakh.

The steppe, swelling from the tide of more and more new hordes, on the one hand, the division of the Kiev state between the sons of Yaroslav, i.e., the weakening of the united front of Rus' against the steppe, on the other hand, all this could not but cause concern and increased attention to Russian affairs from the Empire. The creation in 1059 of a union of three senior Yaroslavichs, accompanied by the division of a single Russian metropolis into three metropolises, according to the number of participants in the union (Kyiv, Chernigov, Pereyaslavl), should be explained by the assistance of Byzantine diplomacy. The role of these metropolitans, who freed their princes from fulfilling the oath to Vseslav of Polotsk, i.e., treacherously extraditing Vseslav to the Yaroslavichs for his refusal to help in the defense of the southern border and to participate in military operations against the Polovtsians, clearly shows us how deeply the hand of Byzantium penetrated through its agents into the internal affairs of Rus'.

The unsuccessful campaign of the Yaroslavichs in 1068 against the Polovtsy, the flight of Izyaslav from Kyiv and the elevation of the treacherously captured Vseslav of Polotsk to the Kiev table can be considered a turning point in new attempts to establish Byzantine guardianship over the politics of Rus'. The Russian principalities stopped fighting the steppe in alliance with Byzantium and agreed to an annual payment of tribute to the Cumans for peace and a calm path through the steppe. Soon, already during the internecine struggle of the Yaroslavichs, who broke their previous triple alliance, Svyatoslav, who reigned in Kyiv, tried to break ties with Byzantium in church affairs. We have a direct indication of this in the letters of Emperor Michael VII Duca in Pereyaslavl to Prince Vsevolod, who then still maintained church ties with the Empire. Fearing Vsevolod's joining Svyatoslav, the emperor hastened to prevent a break by proposing a new marriage alliance between his house and Vsevolod's house.

The death of Svyatoslav in 1076 made it possible for Vsevolod, who now sat on the Kiev table, to restore a unified metropolitanate in Rus' with a Greek metropolitan at its head. The Empire, for its part, took into account the future bad experience the division of the metropolis in 1059 and until the Tatar conquest stubbornly defended the unity of the metropolis in Kyiv.

The active participation and interest of Byzantine diplomacy of that time in Russian affairs is most clearly visible in the case of Oleg Svyatoslavich, who was deprived of his inheritance by his uncles. When, after an unsuccessful attempt to seize the hereditary lands by force, Oleg was forced to flee to Tmutorokan, there he was captured by the Khazars and sent to the Empire, where he languished until 1083. Oleg spent two winters and two summers on the island. Rhodes and, it seems, even managed to marry there a representative of the Byzantine noble house of Muzalons. Oleg was released from captivity by agreement of the emperor with Vsevolod of Kyiv; Oleg apparently made a promise not to seek his father’s inheritance during Vsevolod’s lifetime, which Oleg fulfilled.

The reign of Vsevolod, who became related to the Byzantine imperial families, was favorable for strengthening Byzantine influence in Rus'. The empire, which survived the Polovtsian-Pecheneg attacks of the 80s and 90s on its northern border, did not show political aggression towards Kyiv. Her activity was limited only to literary works, in which the idea was expressed that the church tutelage of Byzantium existed from the first days of the baptism of Rus'. Since the pressure of the Empire along this line also caused discontent in Kiev, the Empire made concessions: after the death of a very educated Greek metropolitan (1089), a certain Ivan “Skopchina” was sent to Kiev as his deputy, who, according to the chronicle, was also “ not bookish" and "simple in mind."

The reign of Vsevolod should be noted as the end of the heyday of trade between Kyiv and Byzantium. In 1082, Alexius Komnenos gave the chrisovulus to Venice in gratitude for the Empire's naval assistance during the Sicilian War. With this chrisovulus Venice was placed in Better conditions in their trade relations and turnover than even the emperor’s subjects. Freedom from all fees and the right to almost universal trade, the allocation of special quarters in the city and special piers for ships for settlement and goods - this is what helped Venice very soon become a world trading power. The latter circumstance pushed Kyiv transit trade into the background and deprived Kyiv of its former wealth.

A joint attack in April 1091 by the Pecheneg-Polovtsian forces on Constantinople, supported by a naval attack by the pirate fleet of Chakh, almost brought the Empire to ruin. Byzantium finally faced the full question of, if not destruction, then at least the weakening of the steppe as a constant threat to its northern borders. After 1091, when the Polovtsians crossed the Dnieper and became masters of the steppes from the Danube to the Yaik, the activities of Byzantine and Russian diplomacy revived, and the Byzantines considered the Kyiv prince the center of the all-Russian steppe allied front. When in 1095 the Polovtsians approached the Byzantine borders and threatened to invade the Empire in order to install some adventurer on the throne, Svyatopolk of Kiev immediately sent his adjutant to Pereyaslavl to Monomakh to prevent the conclusion of peace between Monomakh and the horde of Khan Itlar, who was covering the ebb of the Polovtsian forces from the steppe. There is no doubt that Svyatopolk learned about this from Byzantine intelligence. Monomakh, having learned that Itlar had no support among the steppe Polovtsian forces, treacherously “beat up” Itlar’s ​​horde, which entailed revenge on the part of the Polovtsian hordes and prolonged military action.

In an effort to decompose the steppe, Byzantium in every possible way incited hatred and mortal enmity between the Polovtsy and the Pechenegs and Torques subject to them, on the one hand, and took care of strengthening the Russian front against the steppe inhabitants, on the other. It is precisely these moments that refer to the well-known definition of the task of the Russian metropolitanate as “resuscitating” the Russian princes “from bloodshed,” that is, internecine fights, which is erroneously interpreted by historians as a constant task of Greek politics in Kyiv.

As is known, the “snemas” of the princes gave rise to the famous all-Russian campaigns in the steppe, which, together with the disintegration of Polovtsian rule from within, undermined the power of the Polovtsians for a long time and weakened the danger of their attacks for Rus' and Byzantium.

The task of destroying the steppe, set by Alexios Komnenos in response to the humiliation suffered by the Empire in 1091, and continued by his son Caloian, forced the participants to temporarily forget all internal tensions. Svyatopolk of Kiev and Monomakh of Pereyaslavl, who had been mortally at odds with each other all their lives, found themselves loyal allies in the fight against the Polovtsians and fought shoulder to shoulder on distant steppe campaigns. Monomakh's attempt in 1116 to place his son-in-law "Leon Tsarevich" on the Byzantine throne, and after his death at the hands of assassins sent by the emperor to retain the cities occupied by Leon on the Danube - the Empire views it as an unfortunate misunderstanding, which happily ended with the extradition of Monomakh's granddaughter (daughter of Mstislav ) "for the king."

The Principality of Galicia, which touched its Danube border with the Empire, was more capable than others of providing military assistance to the Empire against the steppe. That is why Byzantine diplomacy hastened to create a special position for the Galician prince compared to other Russian princes. In 1104, the daughter of Volodar Rostislavich married the son of Emperor Alexei Komnenos [most likely Isaac, the father of the future Emperor Andronikos (1183-1185)], and from then on the Galician prince was officially called a “vassal” of the Empire.

The intervention of Byzantium in internal princely relations can be observed during the reign of Monomakh's son Mstislav in Kyiv. When under him the same relations were established between Kiev and Polotsk as under the three Yaroslavichs, i.e. when the Polotsk princes did not listen to the call of the Kyiv prince for help in defense southern borders from the Polovtsians, Mstislav, reproaching the Polotsk princes for the fact that they “blessed the mangy Bonyakov with rumors,” arrested their entire family and, putting them in three boats, “destroyed Tsarjugrad” (1129).

The weakening of the threat from the Polovtsian steppe, which freed the Empire’s hands in the north and opened up the opportunity for it to take up the dispute with Sicily over the possession of Italian lands, contributed to a certain decline in the former Russian-Byzantine relations and the collapse of the Empire’s enterprises allied with the Russian princes against the steppe. Now the Russian princes are completely independently establishing more or less stable relations with the Polovtsians. Belted, as before, by steppe lines of artificial fortifications, now with settlements of steppe peoples who left the steppe because of their reluctance to obey the Polovtsians, the Russian principalities know only those two hordes that covered the steppe expanses from the north. The Kiev prince negotiates with these two hordes to pay money for peace on the borders and for a quiet trade route across the steppe.

Taking advantage of the growing feudal fragmentation, which also included the Monomakh family, Greek agents in Kyiv showed great activity in seizing influence in individual principalities by appointing Greek bishops there. This increase in the influence of the Empire ended unfavorably for its authority. In 1145, Metropolitan Michael was forced to leave Kyiv and the Russian land and return to the Empire. This event should be equated to a severance of diplomatic ties, which opened up the prospect of the most profound changes in relations between Rus' and Byzantium.

The international combination of the union of the two Empires, which was created at that time, very beneficial for Byzantium and quite strong, split all the states of Europe into two hostile camps. The Russian principalities also split into two hostile groups: on the side of Byzantium were, in addition to the “vassal” Galicia, Yuri of Suzdal and a number of other small princes; against the Empire - Izyaslav Mstislavich with the Chernigov princes. One of the reasons for Izyaslav’s struggle in alliance with Hungary against Yuri of Suzdal was the installation of the Russian candidate Kliment Smolyatich to the Russian metropolis. However, Izyaslav failed to win a complete victory here, and even his brother Rostislav did not support him. The death of Izyaslav, the victory and installation of Yuri of Suzdal in Kyiv temporarily contributed to the resumption of relations with the Empire by sending a metropolitan from Constantinople (1156). The new representative of the Empire cursed the deceased Izyaslav and began the persecution of all churchmen involved in the appointment of Clement. The death of Yuri and the change of princes on the Kiev throne led to repeated revisions of Russian-Byzantine relations, which ended with both candidates for metropolitan (the Russian Clement and the Greek Constantine) being eliminated and a new Greek metropolitan being sent from Constantinople. The attempt of the new metropolitan to introduce in the Russian principalities the practice of fasting, adopted in the Empire, was unanimously interpreted by all Russian princes as the Empire’s desire to strengthen its influence and was rejected. A few years later, a new attempt in the same direction, which was the fulfillment of a direct order of the emperor, led to the expulsion of the metropolitan from Kyiv and the Russian principalities, i.e., to a new rupture in Russian-Byzantine relations. Somewhat later, the Empire managed to restore these relations at the cost of abandoning this kind of guardianship, but this cost it a lot of trouble and labor.

In a somewhat confusing story by the Byzantine historian Kinnam, he describes, as always, with great complacency and boasting, the most curious episode of the equipment for Rus' (in 1164) by Emperor Manuel, who was preparing for a new war with Hungary, of a ceremonial embassy led by Manuel Komnenos, a close relative of the emperor . This embassy was supposed to put an end to the stay in Galicia of the contender for the imperial throne, Andronicus, who was seeking help from the Polovtsians, which was disturbing the emperor, to distract Galicia from its planned alliance with Hungary and, finally, to drag Rostislav of Kyiv into the war with Hungary. No matter how Kinnam assures that this embassy was a success, the facts say otherwise. True, Andronicus, having abandoned the idea of ​​winning the throne by force of arms, decided to return to Byzantium, after which it was more profitable for Galicia to renew the alliance with the Empire, but we have no evidence of Rostislav’s involvement in the war with Hungary, sealed allegedly by Rostislav’s oath.

During the decline of Kyiv as the administrative center of the Russian principalities in the fight against the steppe, the Kiev prince did not lose the exclusive right of communication with the Empire in all matters of the Russian principalities, because the agent of the Empire - the Metropolitan - remained in Kyiv. Here is what we read about this from Kinnam: “And there is a certain city in Tavroscythia, Kiama by name, which is the main of the cities located there and also serves as the metropolis of this region. The bishop comes here from Byzantium; This city belongs especially to all other advantages.” The discrepancy between these “special advantages” of Kyiv and the importance of this city in the political alignment of the Russian principalities, among which the Vladimir-Suzdal principality began to take first place, led to the defeat of Kyiv in 1169 by Andrei Bogolyubsky. The latter installed his henchman prince in Kyiv and raised before the Empire the question of transferring the metropolis to Vladimir or creating an independent metropolis there. Both were rejected by the Empire, which wanted to preserve the unity of the leadership center and took into account all the benefits of having its agent in Kyiv, although it had lost its independent significance and became the subject of a struggle between the Suzdal and Galician princes.

Andrei's attempt to independently install a metropolitan in Vladimir and achieve his recognition in Byzantium, bypassing Kyiv, was unsuccessful. Andrei's candidate for metropolitan office was subjected to the most severe punishment, which was applied in Byzantium only to political criminals.

Andrei's harassment did not die down after his death. Vsevolod Big Nest, having restored in its entirety the power and policy of brother Andrei, again raises before the Empire the question of transferring the metropolis to Vladimir, with a special chronicle proving the transfer to Vladimir of the importance of the administrative political center, which Kyiv once was. Although Vsevolod later provided many significant services to the Empire (his campaign in the steppe in 1199), the Kiev metropolis remained united and did not change its residence.

The collapse of the union of the two Empires and the new Sicilian War put Byzantium in a difficult situation, aggravated by the brewing uprising of the Bulgarians, who were looking for help from the Polovtsians. This forces the Empire, in the words of the Byzantine writer of the time Nikita Choniates, to “beg” the Russian princes through the Metropolitan in Kyiv to distract the Polovtsians from the Bulgarians, organizing deep steppe campaigns for this purpose. The success of this plan, which came from Emperor Andronicus, who personally knew well the forces of both the Russians and the Cumans thanks to his stay in Galicia during the period of flight from Byzantium, was accompanied by the victory of the Empire over the Sicilians. But the Russian southern principalities had a hard time surviving this victory due to the death of the troops of Igor Novgorod-Seversky (1185), who encountered in the steppe the Polovtsians who had fled from the Bulgarian border, and the plunder by the Polovtsians of Pereyaslavl and part of the Chernigov principalities.

The Bulgarian uprising that broke out in 1186 involved almost all the Polovtsian forces in the fight against the Empire. Annual raids began on the flourishing regions of Byzantium, and Byzantine military art turned out to be powerless to protect the property and population of these regions. Byzantine diplomacy, despite all its resourcefulness and ingenuity, could not recreate the former all-Russian steppe campaigns and achieved only isolated isolated performances of the strongest feudal centers of that time (the campaign of Vsevolod of Suzdal to the steppe in 1199] and Roman of Galicia in 1202). As a trace of the Empire's ingratiation to the Russian princes during this period, there remained the title of Grand Duke received by Vsevolod of Suzdal in 1186, Rurik of Kiev in 1199, Roman of Galicia in 1202, as well as the marriage of the granddaughter of Svyatoslav of Kyiv with a representative of the imperial house of Angels ( 1193).

The fall of Byzantium in 1204 did not interrupt Russian-Byzantine relations. The Nicene Empire was recognized by all Russian principalities as a continuation of the former church administrative center - the Byzantine Empire. In the events of the Tatar conquest, Nicaea and the Russian principalities, left to their own devices by the West, found common ways and means to develop new Tatar-Byzantine-Russian relations that lasted for centuries.

The closest southern neighbor of the Old Russian state was Byzantium. Peaceful relations gave way to military conflicts. In 860, Rus' for the first time “went” to Constantinople. But Emperor Michael III was busy with something completely different - a war with the Arabs, so the result of the campaign was a peace agreement. In 907, the Kiev prince Oleg gathered a large army and went to the capital of Byzantium. The result of this campaign was the devastation of the outskirts of Constantinople, and in 911 Rus' concluded a peace treaty that was beneficial for itself, which provided for the existence of permanent colonies of Russian merchants in the capital of Byzantium. In 941, in response to the Byzantines' violation of the treaty, Prince Igor went to Constantinople, but failed. In 944, he undertook a new campaign, during which he responded to the proposal of the Greeks and signed a peace treaty with them. His wife, Princess Olga, strengthened relations between the two countries by making a diplomatic visit to Constantinople in 955, where she converted to Christianity.

A new stage of Byzantine-Old Russian relations falls during the reign of Svyatoslav, the son of Igor and Olga. The defeat of Khazaria and the advance of Rus' in the Black Sea region greatly worried Byzantium. Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas decided to pit Rus' and Danube Bulgaria against each other, hoping to mutually weaken them. Therefore, Nikifor suggested that Svyatoslav make a trip to the Balkans. Imagine the emperor’s amazement when Svyatoslav won and settled on the Lower Danube in the city of Pereyaslavets! There was a threat of unification into one state of the eastern and southern Slavs, with whom Byzantium could not compete. To prevent such a turn of events, Byzantine diplomats managed to send the Pechenegs against Rus'. While Svyatoslav was in Bulgaria, they almost took Kyiv. Svyatoslav entered into an alliance with the Bulgarian Tsar Boris against Byzantium. The war has begun.

Military operations took place with varying degrees of success. As a result, Svyatoslav had to retreat back to the Danube. In 971, the Byzantine emperor John Tzimisces launched an offensive. He occupied the capital of Bulgaria and defeated the army of Svyatoslav. The Kyiv prince had to agree to conclude an agreement. Under this treaty, Svyatoslav lost everything that he had conquered in the Balkans. The Russian squad had the opportunity to return to Rus' with their weapons. On the way home they were attacked by the Pechenegs, bribed by Byzantine diplomacy. Svyatoslav died in battle.

Under Vladimir, relations with Byzantium entered a new stage, marked

adoption of Christianity by Russia. Shortly before this event, the Byzantine Emperor Basil II turned to Vladimir for help in suppressing the uprising of the commander Bardas Phocas, who captured Asia Minor and threatened Constantinople. For this, the emperor promised to give his sister Anna in marriage to Vladimir. The Kiev prince fulfilled the terms of the agreement, but the emperor was in no hurry. To force him to comply with the conditions, Vladimir besieged Chersonese and took it. The emperor had to fulfill the agreement. Only after this Vladimir accepted Christianity.

After the conclusion of the agreement between Vasily II and Vladimir, relations between Russia and Byzantium entered a new phase. Byzantium was not so connected with any other independent state in Europe at that time as with Russia. Both ruling dynasties were closely related. With the consent of Vladimir, the Russian corps of six thousand remained in the imperial service and became a permanent combat unit of the Byzantine army. The number of Russian mercenaries in military service in Byzantium became very large.

In Byzantium, two centers emerged, to which all Russians gravitated, for one reason or another, who found themselves in the empire. One of them was the Russian monastery on Mount Athos, founded, apparently, at the turn of the 10th-11th century or at the very beginning of the 11th century. The first mention of this monastery, which bore the name Xylurgu (“Woodmaker”), dates back to 1016. The Russian monastery on Mount Athos arose, undoubtedly, due to a special agreement between the rulers of both countries. The Russians supported the monastery with contributions and donations. Russian pilgrims became frequent guests on Mount Athos, as well as in Constantinople and distant Jerusalem.

The Russian center played a much larger role in the capital of the empire. A unique community was created here, uniting not only merchants and diplomats, but also military men who served in the Byzantine army, pilgrims, travelers, and clergy. The Russian colony in the capital of the empire was, in all likelihood, numerous and, from the point of view of the Byzantine statesmen, a certain political and military force. In 1043, when it became known about the Russian campaign against Constantinople, the emperor, fearing a rebellion within the city, ordered the Russian soldiers and merchants living in the capital to be evicted to different provinces. Norman merchants and warriors were in close contact with the Russians in Constantinople. The Norman mercenaries were apparently part of the Russian corps.

In Rus', primarily in Kyiv, a Greek population, in turn, appeared: the staff of the Greek metropolitan, who headed the Russian Orthodox Church, Byzantine architects, painters, mosaicists, glassmakers, and singers. Many episcopal sees of the Old Russian state were occupied by Greeks.

The importance of the Russian corps in the military forces of the Roman Empire was especially great in the period between 988 and 1043. The Russian detachment took part in the wars of Vasily II for the conquest of Bulgaria; in 999-1000 Russians took part in the campaign in Syria and the Caucasus; in 1019 they defended Byzantine possessions in Italy from the Normans; in 1030, thanks to the courage of the Russian bodyguards, Roman III Argir escaped captivity during a campaign in Syria. In 1036, the Russians were part of the army that took the Perkrin fortress on the Armenian border; in 1040 they were part of the army of George Maniacus, sent to Sicily.

Relations between Byzantium and Russia did not undergo significant changes after the death of Vladimir in 1015, despite a new clash between the Byzantines and Russians. At the end of the reign of Vasily II, a detachment of Russian freemen led by a relative of Vladimir, a certain Chrysochir, appeared in front of the Byzantine capital. Those who arrived declared their desire to enter the Byzantine service. However, Chrysochir refused the emperor’s demand to lay down his arms and appear for negotiations, broke through to Avidos, defeated the detachment of the strategist Propontis and appeared at Lemnos. Here the Russians were surrounded by superior Byzantine forces and destroyed. Chrysochir's raid did not noticeably affect the relations between both states.

Before the war of 1043, peaceful diplomatic and trade relations between Byzantium and Russia developed continuously. Moreover, it can be assumed that at this time not only the military, but also political role Russians in Byzantium. It is likely that the Russians were among those “barbarians” who were brought closer to his person by the brother of the Russian princess Anna, Constantine VIII. With them he resolved the most important issues, elevated them to high dignity and generously rewarded them. The attitude towards Russians did not change under Roman III Argir. In the early 30s of the 11th century. The Russians who raided the Caucasus returned home with booty through the lands of the empire, reaching the Black Sea. Under Michael IV, Yaroslav the Wise founded the Church of St. Sofia with the help of Byzantine architects. At this time, the “many scribes” collected by Yaroslav were translated into Slavic language Greek books. Under Michael IV, Yaroslav's friend and later son-in-law Harald Gardar came to serve the emperor with 500 soldiers. Michael V surrounded himself with “Scythians”: “some of them were his bodyguards, others served his plans.” Russians and Bulgarians were sent by Michael V against the patriarch, a follower of Zoe, exiled by the emperor. The foreign guard defended the palace when the entire city was already engulfed in an uprising against Michael V.

Dramatic changes in relations with the Russians occurred with the coming to power of Constantine IX Monomakh. The hostility of the new government affected the position of all segments of the Russian population of the empire. Everyone who enjoyed the favor of Michael IV and Michael V had to suffer. The disfavor of the emperor, the protege of the capital's civilian nobility, was especially reflected in the command staff of the Byzantine army. Monomakh removed not only the advisers of Michael V, but also the military contingents. The fact of participation of the Russian corps in the rebellion of George Maniak was undoubtedly important for Constantine’s political course towards the Russians.

Monomakh reigned in June 1042. Monomakh's anti-Russian course was quite clearly evident already in 1042. The quarrel in the Constantinople market between Russians and Greeks should also be attributed to this time. As a result of the quarrel, a noble Russian was killed and material damage was caused to the Russians. The murder of a noble Russian in Constantinople, of course, could not be the real reason for the subsequent military clash. Yaroslav the Wise, who greatly valued international relations and the authority of Rus', used this fact only as a reason for a campaign, the reasons for which lay in a change in the general policy of Byzantium towards Rus'. Monomakh had every reason to be wary of war with the Russians.

In May or June 1043, a Russian fleet led by Yaroslav's son Vladimir reached the Bulgarian coast. Kekavmen prevented the Russians from landing on the shore. The Norman allies of Yaroslav were also part of the Russian army. In June 1043, many Russian ships appeared near Constantinople. Monomakh tried to start negotiations, promising to compensate for the damage suffered by the Russians and calling “not to violate the anciently established peace.” Vladimir was adamant. However, in the ensuing naval battle, the Russians were defeated. Byzantine ships burned Russian one-trees with Greek fire and capsized them. The rising wind threw some of the Russian boats onto the coastal cliffs. The survivors were met on the shore by the Byzantine ground force. The Russians retreated, but the Byzantine warships sent in pursuit were surrounded by them in one of the bays and suffered heavy losses.

Apparently, soon after the campaign, negotiations began between the Russians and the Byzantines. Both sides wanted peace. Obviously, Byzantium made concessions. The new treaty was sealed between 1046 and 1052. the marriage of Yaroslav's son Vsevolod with the daughter of Monomakh, who perhaps bore the name of Mary. Probably, in 1047, a Russian detachment arrived to help Constantine IX, which took part in suppressing the uprising of Lev Tornik. Thus, friendly relations between the Russians and the empire were restored.

New complications arose in 1051. Rus' at that time was on friendly terms with Western European countries and the papacy. Probably the exorbitant political claims of Kirulariy, who tried to influence foreign policy through the Kyiv Metropolitan Ancient Rus', received a rebuff. Yaroslav was dissatisfied with the Greek metropolitan, and in 1051, against the will of Constantinople, he elevated the Russian church leader Hilarion to the metropolitan throne. The conflict was, however, soon resolved. Metropolitans to Rus' continued to be supplied by the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

After the death of Yaroslav, the power of the Grand Duke weakened. Various princely centers of Rus' sought an independent foreign policy. Silent rivalry resulted in civil strife that swept Rus' after 1073. The attitude towards Byzantium lost the character of a unified state policy. In the struggle for political dominance, the issue of relationships between episcopal centers became important, and relations between individual bishops and the Kyiv Metropolis became strained. The princes dreamed of establishing an autocephalous church or their own metropolitanate, independent of the Kyiv metropolitan. All this allowed Byzantine diplomacy to play a subtle and complex game in Rus'. Byzantium attracted the greatest attention, as before, to Kyiv, then Tmutarakan and Galician Rus.

Obviously, there were no particularly profound changes in the trade relations between Byzantium and Rus' in the 11th-12th centuries. Russian merchants traded in the markets of the empire, and Greek merchants came to Rus'. Probably, the direct dependence of trade on politics, characteristic of the 9th-10th centuries, gradually weakened. The importance of Russian military forces in the Byzantine army was declining. The economic progress of local Russian centers and the increasing need of princes competing with each other for military force led to a reduction in the flow of Russian mercenaries to Constantinople. In the 50-70s of the 11th century. Russian mercenaries still served in the Byzantine army. However, by the end of the 11th century. information about them is becoming rare. Since 1066, the place of the Russians in the Byzantine army was gradually taken by the British; from the middle of the 11th century. The eyes of the Byzantine emperors are increasingly attracted to Tmutarakan. By 1059, Byzantium controlled the Eastern Crimea (Sugdea). Friendly relations were established between the population of the Greek colonies in Crimea and the residents of Tmutarakan. Economic significance Kherson was falling, and the capture of Tmutarakan, a rich and remote from the main Russian lands, became more and more tempting for Byzantium. However, Byzantium was careful. The opportunity presented itself only during the reign of Alexei I. In 1079, still under Votaniates, by agreement with the Byzantine court, Grand Duke Vsevolod managed to exile the Tmutarakan prince Oleg to Byzantium. Oleg became an instrument of the plans of Alexei I. He lived in Byzantium for four years. There he married a noble Greek woman. In 1083, Oleg returned and, apparently, with the help of the empire, again established himself in Tmutarakan, which he owned, perhaps, until his death in 1115. Since 1094, mentions of Tmutarakan have disappeared from Russian chronicles. The answer to this, in all likelihood, should be seen in the fact that by helping Oleg return, Alexey secured for himself the supreme rights to Tmutarakan.

Until 1115, close friendly ties remained between Kiev and Constantinople, dynastic marriages were concluded, members of the family of the Kyiv prince traveled to Constantinople, and pilgrimage expanded. And quite unexpectedly, in 1116, the Russian troops of the Grand Duke took part in a campaign against Byzantium on the Danube. These actions could have been a response to the capture of Tmutarakan by Alexei I. Vladimir Monomakh even tried to retain several Byzantine cities on the Danube.

Peaceful relations were, however, soon restored and remained until almost the middle of the 12th century. In the 40s of this century, Rus' became embroiled in a conflict between Hungary and Byzantium. Kievan Rus entered into an alliance with Hungary, hostile to Byzantium. Galician and Rostov-Suzdal Rus' were, on the contrary, enemies of Hungary and Kievan Rus and allies of the empire. Thus, the rear of each member of one of these vast coalitions was threatened by a member of the other coalition.

This balance of power was not slow to affect relations between Kiev and Constantinople. The brother-in-law of the Hungarian king Geyza II, Prince of Kiev Izyaslav, drove out the Greek metropolitan in 1145. The Russian hierarch Clement was elevated to the metropolitan throne, who held this post twice, in 1147-1149 and in 1151-1154. Having become the Grand Duke, the Rostov-Suzdal prince, an ally of Byzantium, Yuri Dolgoruky returned the Russian church under Byzantine supremacy. However, a few years after his death, the Greek metropolitan was again expelled from Kyiv. The Kiev prince Rostislav refused in 1164 to accept the new Greek metropolitan. Only with the help of rich gifts was Manuel I able to force Rostislav to yield. The Grand Duke demanded that the patriarch henceforth appoint the metropolitan with his consent, and perhaps gradually this order became an unofficial rule in relations between Rus' and Byzantium.

In the 60s of the 12th century, thus, an alliance emerged between Byzantium and Kievan Rus. Galician Rus', on the contrary, broke off friendly ties with the empire under Yaroslav Osmomysl, entered into an alliance with Hungary and supported the rival of Manuel I, the famous adventurer Andronikos Komnenos. But the emperor managed not only to strengthen the alliance with Kiev, but also to split Galician Rus' from Hungary. Evidence of the close friendly ties of Byzantium with Russia at this time is the rapid growth in the number of Russian monks on Athos. In 1169, the Athonite protate ceded to the Russians the large deserted Thessalonian monastery with all its possessions, retaining the monastery of Xylurgu for the Russians. Monastery of the Thessalonian, or Russian Monastery of St. Panteleimon, soon became one of the largest monasteries on Athos, and for many centuries played a significant role in the development of cultural Russian-Byzantine and Russian-Greek ties. Existed by the end of the 12th century. and in Constantinople there is a special Russian quarter.

Friendly relations between Byzantium and the Russians were maintained under the representatives of the dynasty of Angels. The policy of good agreement with Russia began from the middle of the 11th century. traditional for Byzantine statesmen, despite all the vicissitudes of the internal political life of the empire. It can be assumed that to some extent this policy was determined by the general Polovtsian danger that threatened both Rus' and Byzantium. The struggle of the Russians with the Polovtsians was in the interests of the empire. Sometimes Russian princes provided direct military assistance to Byzantium against the Polovtsians.

Gradually, other Russian centers (Novgorod, Rostov, Suzdal, Vladimir, Polotsk, Przemysl) were drawn into close relations with the empire. It was in the XI-XII centuries. those cultural Russian-Byzantine ties that left a deep mark on the spiritual development of Rus' took shape and strengthened. The fall of Constantinople in 1204 and the conquest of the empire's European possessions by the Latins temporarily disrupted normal development Russian-Byzantine relations.

After the conclusion of the agreement between Vasily II and Vladimir, relations between Russia and Byzantium entered a new phase. Byzantium was not so connected with any other independent state in Europe at that time as with Russia. Both ruling dynasties were closely related. With the consent of Vladimir, the Russian corps of six thousand remained in the imperial service and became a permanent combat unit of the Byzantine army. The number of Russian mercenaries in military service in Byzantium became very large.

In Byzantium, two centers emerged, to which all Russians gravitated, for one reason or another, who found themselves in the empire. One of them was the Russian monastery on Mount Athos, founded, apparently, at the turn of the 10th-11th century or at the very beginning of the 11th century. The first mention of this monastery, which bore the name Xylurgu (“Woodmaker”), dates back to 1016. The Russian monastery on Mount Athos arose, undoubtedly, due to a special agreement between the rulers of both countries. The Russians supported the monastery with contributions and donations. Russian pilgrims became frequent guests on Mount Athos, as well as in Constantinople and distant Jerusalem.

The Russian center played a much larger role in the capital of the empire. A unique community was created here, uniting not only merchants and diplomats, but also military men who served in the Byzantine army, pilgrims, travelers, and clergy. The Russian colony in the capital of the empire was, in all likelihood, numerous and, from the point of view of Byzantine statesmen, constituted a certain political and military force. In 1043, when it became known about the Russian campaign against Constantinople, the emperor, fearing a rebellion within the city, ordered the Russian soldiers and merchants living in the capital to be evicted to different provinces. Norman merchants and warriors were in close contact with the Russians in Constantinople. The Norman mercenaries were apparently part of the Russian corps.

In Rus', primarily in Kyiv, a Greek population, in turn, appeared: the staff of the Greek metropolitan, who headed the Russian Orthodox Church, Byzantine architects, painters, mosaicists, glassmakers, and singers. Many episcopal sees of the Old Russian state were occupied by Greeks.

The importance of the Russian corps in the military forces of the Roman Empire was especially great in the period between 988 and 1043. The Russian detachment took part in the wars of Vasily II for the conquest of Bulgaria; in 999-1000 Russians took part in the campaign in Syria and the Caucasus; in 1019 they defended Byzantine possessions in Italy from the Normans; in 1030, thanks to the courage of the Russian bodyguards, Roman III Argir escaped captivity during a campaign in Syria. In 1036, the Russians were part of the army that took the Perkrin fortress on the Armenian border; in 1040 they were part of the army of George Maniacus, sent to Sicily.

Relations between Byzantium and Russia did not undergo significant changes after the death of Vladimir in 1015, despite a new clash between the Byzantines and Russians. At the end of the reign of Vasily II, a detachment of Russian freemen led by a relative of Vladimir, a certain Chrysochir, appeared in front of the Byzantine capital. Those who arrived declared their desire to enter the Byzantine service. However, Chrysochir refused the emperor’s demand to lay down his arms and appear for negotiations, broke through to Avidos, defeated the detachment of the strategist Propontis and appeared at Lemnos. Here the Russians were surrounded by superior Byzantine forces and destroyed. Chrysochir's raid did not noticeably affect the relations between both states.

Before the war of 1043, peaceful diplomatic and trade relations between Byzantium and Russia developed continuously. Moreover, it can be assumed that at this time not only the military, but also the political role of the Russians in Byzantium gradually increased. It is likely that the Russians were among those “barbarians” who were brought closer to his person by the brother of the Russian princess Anna, Constantine VIII. With them he resolved the most important issues, elevated them to high dignity and generously rewarded them. The attitude towards Russians did not change under Roman III Argir. In the early 30s of the 11th century. The Russians who raided the Caucasus returned home with booty through the lands of the empire, reaching the Black Sea. Under Michael IV, Yaroslav the Wise founded the Church of St. Sofia with the help of Byzantine architects. At this time, the “many scribes” collected by Yaroslav translated Greek books into Slavic. Under Michael IV, Yaroslav's friend and later son-in-law Harald Gardar came to serve the emperor with 500 soldiers. Michael V surrounded himself with “Scythians”: “some of them were his bodyguards, others served his plans.” Russians and Bulgarians were sent by Michael V against the patriarch, a follower of Zoe, exiled by the emperor. The foreign guard defended the palace when the entire city was already engulfed in an uprising against Michael V.

Dramatic changes in relations with the Russians occurred with the coming to power of Constantine IX Monomakh. The hostility of the new government affected the position of all segments of the Russian population of the empire. Everyone who enjoyed the favor of Michael IV and Michael V had to suffer. The disfavor of the emperor, the protege of the capital's civilian nobility, was especially reflected in the command staff of the Byzantine army. Monomakh removed not only the advisers of Michael V, but also the military contingents. The fact of participation of the Russian corps in the rebellion of George Maniak was undoubtedly important for Constantine’s political course towards the Russians.

Monomakh reigned in June 1042. Monomakh's anti-Russian course was quite clearly evident already in 1042. The quarrel in the Constantinople market between Russians and Greeks should also be attributed to this time. As a result of the quarrel, a noble Russian was killed and material damage was caused to the Russians. The murder of a noble Russian in Constantinople, of course, could not be the real reason for the subsequent military clash. Yaroslav the Wise, who greatly valued international relations and the authority of Rus', used this fact only as a reason for a campaign, the reasons for which lay in a change in the general policy of Byzantium towards Rus'. Monomakh had every reason to be wary of war with the Russians.

In May or June 1043, a Russian fleet led by Yaroslav's son Vladimir reached the Bulgarian coast. Kekavmen prevented the Russians from landing on the shore. The Norman allies of Yaroslav were also part of the Russian army. In June 1043, many Russian ships appeared near Constantinople. Monomakh tried to start negotiations, promising to compensate for the damage suffered by the Russians and calling “not to violate the anciently established peace.” Vladimir was adamant. However, in the ensuing naval battle, the Russians were defeated. Byzantine ships burned Russian one-trees with Greek fire and capsized them. The rising wind threw some of the Russian boats onto the coastal cliffs. Those who survived were met on the shore by the Byzantine ground army. The Russians retreated, but the Byzantine warships sent in pursuit were surrounded by them in one of the bays and suffered heavy losses.

Apparently, soon after the campaign, negotiations began between the Russians and the Byzantines. Both sides wanted peace. Obviously, Byzantium made concessions. The new treaty was sealed between 1046 and 1052. the marriage of Yaroslav's son Vsevolod with the daughter of Monomakh, who perhaps bore the name of Mary. Probably, in 1047, a Russian detachment arrived to help Constantine IX, which took part in suppressing the uprising of Lev Tornik. Thus, friendly relations between the Russians and the empire were restored.

New complications arose in 1051. Rus' at that time was on friendly terms with Western European countries and the papacy. Probably, the exorbitant political claims of Kirularius, who tried to influence the foreign policy of Ancient Rus' through the Kyiv Metropolitan, were rebuffed. Yaroslav was dissatisfied with the Greek metropolitan, and in 1051, against the will of Constantinople, he elevated the Russian church leader Hilarion to the metropolitan throne. The conflict was, however, soon resolved. Metropolitans to Rus' continued to be supplied by the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

After the death of Yaroslav, the power of the Grand Duke weakened. Various princely centers of Rus' sought an independent foreign policy. Silent rivalry resulted in civil strife that swept Rus' after 1073. The attitude towards Byzantium lost the character of a unified state policy. In the struggle for political dominance, the issue of relationships between episcopal centers became important, and relations between individual bishops and the Kyiv Metropolis became strained. The princes dreamed of establishing an autocephalous church or their own metropolitanate, independent of the Kyiv metropolitan. All this allowed Byzantine diplomacy to play a subtle and complex game in Rus'. Byzantium attracted the greatest attention, as before, to Kyiv, then Tmutorokan and Galician Rus.

Obviously, there were no particularly profound changes in the trade relations between Byzantium and Rus' in the 11th-12th centuries. Russian merchants traded in the markets of the empire, and Greek merchants came to Rus'. Probably, the direct dependence of trade on politics, characteristic of the 9th-10th centuries, gradually weakened. The importance of Russian military forces in the Byzantine army was declining. The economic progress of local Russian centers and the increasing need of rival princes for military strength led to a reduction in the flow of Russian mercenaries to Constantinople. In the 50-70s of the 11th century. Russian mercenaries still served in the Byzantine army. However, by the end of the 11th century. information about them is becoming rare. Since 1066, the place of Russians in the Byzantine army was gradually taken by the British. From the middle of the 11th century. The eyes of the Byzantine emperors are increasingly attracted to Tmutorokan. By 1059, Byzantium controlled the Eastern Crimea (Sugdea). Friendly relations were established between the population of the Greek colonies in Crimea and the residents of Tmutorokan. The economic importance of Kherson was falling, and the mastery of the rich and remote from the main Russian lands of Tmutorokan became increasingly tempting for Byzantium. However, Byzantium was careful. The opportunity presented itself only during the reign of Alexei I. In 1079, still under Votaniates, by agreement with the Byzantine court, Grand Duke Vsevolod managed to exile the Tmutorokan prince Oleg to Byzantium. Oleg became an instrument of the plans of Alexei I. He lived in Byzantium for four years. There he married a noble Greek woman. In 1083, Oleg returned and, apparently, with the help of the empire, again established himself in Tmutorokan, which he owned, perhaps, until his death in 1115. Since 1094, mentions of Tmutorokan have disappeared from Russian chronicles. The answer to this, in all likelihood, should be seen in the fact that by helping Oleg return, Alexey secured for himself the supreme rights to Tmutorokan.

Until 1115, close friendly ties remained between Kiev and Constantinople, dynastic marriages were concluded, members of the family of the Kyiv prince traveled to Constantinople, and pilgrimage expanded. And quite unexpectedly, in 1116, the Russian troops of the Grand Duke took part in a campaign against Byzantium on the Danube. These actions could have been a response to the capture of Tmutorokan by Alexei I. Vladimir Monomakh even tried to retain several Byzantine cities on the Danube.

Peaceful relations were, however, soon restored and remained until almost the middle of the 12th century. In the 40s of this century, Rus' became embroiled in a conflict between Hungary and Byzantium. Kievan Rus entered into an alliance with Hungary, hostile to Byzantium. Galician and Rostov-Suzdal Rus were, on the contrary, enemies of Hungary and Kievan Rus and allies of the empire. Thus, the rear of each member of one of these vast coalitions was threatened by a member of the other coalition.

This balance of power was not slow to affect relations between Kiev and Constantinople. The brother-in-law of the Hungarian king Geyza II, Prince of Kiev Izyaslav, drove out the Greek metropolitan in 1145. The Russian hierarch Clement was elevated to the metropolitan throne, who held this post twice, in 1147-1149 and in 1151-1154. Having become the Grand Duke, the Rostov-Suzdal prince, an ally of Byzantium, Yuri Dolgoruky returned the Russian church under Byzantine supremacy. However, a few years after his death, the Greek metropolitan was again expelled from Kyiv. The Kiev prince Rostislav refused in 1164 to accept the new Greek metropolitan. Only with the help of rich gifts was Manuel I able to force Rostislav to yield. The Grand Duke demanded that the patriarch henceforth appoint the metropolitan with his consent, and perhaps gradually this order became an unofficial rule in relations between Rus' and Byzantium.

In the 60s of the 12th century, thus, an alliance emerged between Byzantium and Kievan Rus. Galician Rus', on the contrary, broke off friendly ties with the empire under Yaroslav Osmomysl, entered into an alliance with Hungary and supported the rival of Manuel I, the famous adventurer Andronikos Komnenos. But the emperor managed not only to strengthen the alliance with Kiev, but also to split Galician Rus' from Hungary. Evidence of the close friendly ties of Byzantium with Russia at this time is the rapid growth in the number of Russian monks on Athos. In 1169, the Athonite protate ceded to the Russians the large deserted Thessalonian monastery with all its possessions, retaining the monastery of Xylurgu for the Russians. Monastery of the Thessalonian, or Russian Monastery of St. Panteleimon, soon became one of the largest monasteries on Athos, and for many centuries played a significant role in the development of cultural Russian-Byzantine and Russian-Greek ties. Existed by the end of the 12th century. and in Constantinople there is a special Russian quarter.

Friendly relations between Byzantium and the Russians were maintained under the representatives of the dynasty of Angels. The policy of good agreement with Russia began from the middle of the 11th century. traditional for Byzantine statesmen, despite all the vicissitudes of the internal political life of the empire. It can be assumed that to some extent this policy was determined by the general Polovtsian danger that threatened both Rus' and Byzantium. The struggle of the Russians with the Polovtsians was in the interests of the empire. Sometimes Russian princes provided direct military assistance to Byzantium against the Polovtsians.

Gradually, other Russian centers (Novgorod, Rostov, Suzdal, Vladimir, Polotsk, Przemysl) were drawn into close relations with the empire. It was in the XI-XII centuries. those cultural Russian-Byzantine ties that left a deep mark on the spiritual development of Rus' took shape and strengthened. The fall of Constantinople in 1204 and the conquest of the European possessions of the empire by the Latins temporarily disrupted the normal development of Russian-Byzantine relations.

Before directly approaching this topic, let us go back several centuries, to the era of the reign of the Byzantine emperors Justin and Justinian. It was during the reign of these emperors, especially Justinian, that not yet the diplomacy of Byzantium with the Slavic world, which was disunited at that time, began to take shape, but in any case a certain attitude was developed, which would later form the basis of diplomatic relations with Russia in the 11th-15th centuries. Direct acquaintance of Byzantium with the Slavic world began during the reign of the emperor Justinian. One of the features of the reign of this warrior emperor, who reigned for 38 years, was that for 32 years he continuously waged wars on all borders of the vast Byzantine Empire: wars with the Arab-Muslim world, wars with the West, wars with the Pechenegs, with the Persians, with the Slavs . Under Justinian, the Slavic invasion of the territory of the Byzantine Empire began especially intensively, which took place in the context of the Great Migration of Peoples. At first, the Slavs settled on the lower and middle Danube and from there they raided Byzantium, returning back to the Danube with rich booty. Later they populated the territory of the empire: the Balkans - Macedonia, the coast of the Aegean and Adriatic seas, their islands. Justinian was alarmed by this situation, so along the entire coastal territory of the Danube, adjacent to the borders of the Byzantine Empire, he built a system of fortresses against the Slavs. But this measure turned out to be ineffective: the Slavs continued to penetrate into the territory of the empire, populating the Balkans more and more widely. Gradually, the Slavs became the second ethnic group of the Byzantine Empire in the Balkans (after the Greeks) and began to play a significant role in the life of the Byzantine Empire.

The strategy and tactics of the Slavs, their settlement on the territory of Byzantium, and the gradual Slavification of the conquered regions formed in the emperor an attitude of rejection of the Slavic ethnic group and hostile wariness. This attitude would later form the basis of Byzantine-Russian diplomacy and determine the policy of Byzantium in relation to Kievan and, to a much lesser extent, to Muscovite Rus'.

The Byzantines had an idea about the Eastern Slavs from the works of Byzantine historical writers, in particular, Procopius of Caesarea. WITH Eastern Slavs Byzantium came into close contact in the 8th-9th centuries, when the Russians began to attack Byzantine territories in the Crimea and on the Black Sea coast. There is an assumption that the legendary campaign Askold to Constantinople 860 g. significantly changed Russian-Byzantine relations. According to legend, Askold and his retinue were baptized in Byzantium. Returning to Kyiv, this prince begins the first steps towards the Christianization of the population of the ancient Russian state. Thus, we can assume that already from the 9th century. the first, still very timid, attempts at peaceful contacts between Kievan Rus and Byzantium begin. These attempts were made not only by the supreme authorities of both states, but also by merchants and warriors, who in the 10th century. constantly appeared on the coast of Malaya

Asia and sought to establish stable trade and political relations with Constantinople-Tsargrad.

During the reign of the Kyiv prince Oleg(882-912), the creator of the ancient Russian state, the foreign policy of Kievan Rus in relation to Byzantium was distinguished by a rather easily traced duality: hostility and peace. This duality will run through the entire history of diplomacy between Rus' and Byzantium. Prince Oleg twice undertook campaigns against Byzantium - in 907 and in 911 g. And the subsequent great princes of Kyiv will also either make campaigns or head (or equip) embassies to Byzantium. As a result of these campaigns, a bilateral agreement was signed, which included trade, military and political articles. The treaties concluded as a result of the campaigns of Prince Oleg were beneficial for Rus'. According to the treaty of 911, Rus' received the right to trade duty-free in the markets of Constantinople. The Byzantine side was obliged to support at its own expense the merchants and ambassadors of Rus' during their stay in the territory of the empire, as well as to supply them with everything necessary for the return journey to Kievan Rus. After the conclusion of the treaties of 907 and 911. The Russians began to take an active part in Byzantine military expeditions, in particular, against the Khazar Khaganate, Pechenegs, Polovtsians and Arabs. Byzantium fought numerous wars and was in dire need of Russian soldiers. After Oleg’s campaigns, Rus' and Byzantium, separated by the sea, seemed to become closer to each other - in the Crimean and Black Sea possessions of Byzantium. Trade relations between Byzantium and Rus' became regular. Every year, in the summer, a flotilla of Russians appeared in the Bosphorus Strait. Merchants settled not in Constantinople itself, but in the suburbs, but they had the right to trade in the capital itself. The richest silk fabrics that Byzantium received from China and Central Asia were in especially high demand among Russian merchants.

IN 941 Grand Duke of Kyiv Igor(912-945) made a crushingly unsuccessful campaign against Byzantium. His army was burned near Constantinople by the famous “Greek fire”. Historians still cannot come to a consensus why, after such a serious defeat, Igor needed to go to Byzantium again in 944 - perhaps it was a revenge campaign. Apparently, Igor took into account all the shortcomings of his first campaign, and his second campaign was prepared very carefully. He went to Byzantium with a huge flotilla and large ground forces. Having learned that he was moving to Byzantium Russian army, the emperor gives the order to meet the Russians on the Danube, without waiting for them to approach the capital of the empire. On the Danube, Igor was met by Byzantine ambassadors with rich gifts and escorted with honors to Constantinople. IN 944 In Constantinople, Prince Igor and the Byzantine emperor signed an agreement that was as successful for Rus' as the agreement of 911. It also included trade and military-political articles. Russian merchants received even broader rights and privileges on the territory of the Byzantine Empire, and Byzantine merchants were given the same rights on the territory of Kievan Rus. The Treaty of 944 recognized Rus' as a sovereign state for the first time. The recognition of the sovereignty of Rus' by Byzantium was undoubtedly a significant achievement of Russian diplomacy. However, do not be deluded by such brilliant results. It should be remembered that Byzantium at that time was constantly at war and was in great need of new warriors. Naturally, she needed to secure peaceful relations with her neighbor, Kievan Rus, which was gaining strength. By signing the treaty of 944, so beneficial for the Russians, the Byzantine emperor acted primarily in his own interests.

The campaigns of Oleg and Igor contributed to the establishment of regular diplomatic relations between Byzantium and Russia. Subsequent Russian princes made the main aspect of their foreign policy considered an embassy campaign to Byzantium. In 946, the Grand Duchess Olga of Kiev went there. This campaign played a huge role both in the development of Russian-Byzantine diplomacy and in the further fate of the ancient Russian state itself. In 955, Olga made a second embassy to Constantinople and was baptized there. At this time, Constantine VII (945-959) Porphyrogenitus was the emperor of Byzantium. As a writer, he left a number of works, including about Kievan Rus and about Olga’s embassy.

At baptism, Olga takes the name Elena, in honor of St. equal to Queen Helena, mother of Emperor Constantine the Great. Returning to her homeland, she begins active work in the field of Christianization of Rus'. In the matter of the baptism of Rus', much attention is traditionally paid to the activities of Grand Duke Vladimir I, and this is quite fair, but Olga’s importance in it should not be diminished. Under her, a significant part of the Russians were converted to Christianity. Her son Svyatoslav did not want to follow his mother’s example and did not accept Christianity, declaring that if he accepted Orthodoxy, then the whole squad would laugh at him. We can say that Grand Duchess Olga brought ancient Russian state to the international arena. And it was she who laid the foundation for a very important direction of Russian foreign policy - the southwest. Olga’s campaigns had another important consequence: it was from this moment that Russian diplomacy began to strive for dynastic contacts with Byzantium. Olga had the intention of marrying her son Svyatoslav to the daughter of Constantine Porphyrogenitus Anna, but it was not successful. From the secret writings of Emperor Constantine that have come down to us, it follows that dynastic marriages between Byzantine princesses and barbarian Russians were clearly not to his liking. As already noted, despite a number of favorable diplomatic situations, the instability of Russian-Byzantine relations remained constant, which by 956 were again becoming complicated. The Holy Roman Emperor Otto took advantage of this circumstance and sent his missionary, the Catholic priest Adalbert, to Rus', giving him the title of Bishop of Russia. Adalbert's arrival in Kyiv caused general indignation - the people of Kiev did not want their state to turn into a Catholic diocese, and Adalbert and his retinue had to urgently leave Kievan Rus. A tangle of contradictory relations between Russia, Byzantium and Western Europe dragged on, but this did not lead to a diplomatic break on either side. In 973, Otto convened a congress of Catholic embassies, to which the Russian embassy was also invited - of course, not by chance. Despite the failure of Adalbert's mission, Otto did not lose hope for the inclusion of Rus' in the Catholic world. Even earlier, in 960, the Russian army took part in the war with the Arabs on the side of Byzantium.

In 967, the Byzantine emperor Nicephorus Phokas proposed to the Kyiv prince; Svyatoslav Igorevich (945-972) for a large payment to make a campaign in the Balkans against Bulgaria, hostile to Byzantium. In 968, Svyatoslav defeated the Bulgarian army, but did not deprive the Bulgarian sovereign Boris of the throne. After some time, the military forces of Boris and Svyatoslav united and a joint campaign against the Byzantine Empire took place. Svyatoslav was a prince-knight who preferred military glory to any other. He did not like Kyiv and dreamed of founding a new capital on the Danube in Pereyaslavets. Therefore, he makes three trips to the Danube, i.e. encounters the Byzantine Empire three times as its enemy. During the last campaign in 971, Svyatoslav’s army was defeated. On the way home to Kyiv, on the Dnieper rapids he was met by Pecheneg troops led by the leader Kurei. Svyatoslav was killed. In historical science, this meeting of the Pechenegs with the remnants of the Russian army is considered not accidental. There is reason to believe that it was prepared by Byzantine diplomacy. The murder of the Grand Duke of Kyiv did not play a significant role in Russian-Byzantine relations and did not serve as a reason for their rupture, despite all their coldness and instability.

IN 987 during the reign of the Grand Duke of Kyiv Vladimir Svyatoslavich(980-1015) Byzantine emperor Vasily II asks for military assistance to fight the usurper Varda Phocas. Prince Vladimir fulfilled the request, but set a condition for Vasily II - to marry the imperial sister, the princess, to him Anna. Russian troops defeated the usurper, but Vasily II was in no hurry to fulfill his promise - apparently, he was unable to overcome the historical hostility to dynastic marriages with the Russians. Then Prince Vladimir captures Kherson (Korsun), a Byzantine possession in Crimea. And only after this, Emperor Vasily II sends Princess Anna to Korsun, satisfying the demand of Grand Duke Vladimir. At the same time french king Hugo Capet, seeking a military-political alliance between France and Byzantium, also tried to get his son married to Anna, but he failed.

The Byzantine emperor sends his sister to the Russian prince - but on the condition that Vladimir renounces paganism and accepts Christianity according to the Eastern rite. Prince Vladimir is baptized and receives the church name Vasily, in honor of his godfather, who was the Byzantine emperor himself. Prince Vladimir returns to Kyiv, returning Korsun, which he had captured, to Byzantium.

If the diplomacy of Byzantium in relation to Rus' was of a wary, hidden-hostile nature under a light veil of refined courtesy inherent in civilized Byzantines, then Vladimir’s act suggests that Russian diplomacy in relation to Byzantium was completely different - more open. In this historical episode, two worlds emerged - the dying world of Byzantium with its refined civilization and sophisticated diplomacy, and the world of the young state, which made contact openly and trustingly. Leaving Korsun, Vladimir leaves a military garrison there, maintained at the expense of the Kyiv state, which, being renewed, for a hundred years fought for the interests of the Byzantine Empire on all its vast borders.

Vladimir returned to Kyiv not only with his wife and army, but also with the new Metropolitan of Kyiv, appointed by the Byzantine Patriarch Sisinnius II. IN 988 Christianity was accepted by the entire top of Russian society. From the very beginning, Christianity in Rus' became an element of dynastic identity. Of the twenty first Russian saints who shone during the 10th-11th centuries, ten were princes. In the 11th century Prince Yaroslav the Wise exhumed the bodies of his ancestors, princes Yaropolk and Oleg, and transferred their ashes to the Tithe Church. If Constantine the Great was called the thirteenth apostle, then Vladimir I was called the apostle among the princes.

The adoption of Orthodoxy opened wide access to Rus' for the higher Byzantine culture. With the creation of the Church in Rus', liturgical books appeared, which were first written in Greek. And here Bulgaria played a big role with its established century-old Christian tradition and Christian writing. Slavic writing comes to Rus' from Bulgaria, where it was brought in the 9th century. Thessalonica brothers Cyril and Methodius, who translated the Bible and liturgical books into Slavic. Liturgical books and religious objects were imported from Byzantium to Rus'.

The influence of high Byzantine culture on the younger culture of Kievan Rus was also reflected in architecture. In imitation of the St. Sophia Cathedral in Constantinople, the Kyiv princes began to build numerous St. Sophia cathedrals on the territory of Rus'. The first of them were built in Kyiv and Novgorod, and the last one in Vologda, during the reign of Ivan the Terrible (XVI century). Rus' adopted the art of mosaics and frescoes from Byzantium. In the beginning. XI century A Russian monastery was founded on Mount Athos, which became the center of Russian-Byzantine spiritual and religious ties and played a significant role in the diplomacy of the two countries. The last campaign against Byzantium was made in 1043 g. son of the great Kyiv prince Yaroslav the Wise, Novgorod prince Vladimir. The purpose of this campaign was to preserve the trading privileges of Russian merchants on the territory of the Byzantine Empire. But this campaign was unsuccessful, Prince Vladimir’s fleet was burned by “Greek fire,” and relations between Byzantium and Rus' were interrupted for some time. But already in 1047 Rus' helps the Byzantine emperor Konstantin Monomakh(1042-1055) get rid of another usurper and pretender to the Byzantine throne. Rus' helped Constantine Monomakh retain the throne, and as a sign of gratitude and further strengthening of Russian-Byzantine relations, the Russian-Byzantine military-political alliance, Constantine Monomakh gives his daughter in marriage to another son of Yaroslav the Wise, Prince Vsevolod. From this marriage was born the future Grand Duke of Kiev Vladimir II, nicknamed Vladimir Monomakh in honor of his Byzantine grandfather-emperor. Cultural, trade, military-political ties between Byzantium and Rus' remained until the end of the 11th century. the most lively character, despite numerous military obstacles (wars with the Pechenegs, Arabs, Khazar Khaganate) and difficulties in the diplomacy of Rus' and Byzantium. IN 1204 g. Constantinople was captured in the Fourth Crusade (1202-1204) by the Crusaders, and in 1240 g. Kyiv was captured and burned by the Mongol-Tatars. These two events threw both countries away from each other over a vast temporary historical space, and even the memory of previous relations gradually disappeared. There was practically one, but very significant connection between them: spiritual and religious. Russia owes Byzantium its Orthodoxy, which played and continues to play a huge role in its destiny and in the context of the entire world history.

The 11th-13th centuries, when the paths of the two countries diverged, were a period of complex historical cataclysms for the Byzantine Empire. In the 11th century The position of Byzantium in the international arena is significantly weakened. In the West, in Italy, relations between southern Italian cities and Byzantium break down and a powerful anti-Byzantine coalition of Normans takes shape, creating the duchies of Apulia and Calabria. At the same time, relations between Byzantium and the Arab-Muslim world were deteriorating. In the system of anti-Byzantine expansion from the East and West, the papacy begins to rise as a formidable force. The West is increasingly striving to deprive Byzantium of its former power, especially since the empire was clearly weakening in numerous battles. By the end of the 11th century. The empire manages to weaken the onslaught of the Normans, Seljuks and Pechenegs. The First Crusade, contrary to all the intentions of the pope, played a very positive role for Byzantium (11th century). As a result of this crusade, important territories in Asia Minor, recaptured by the crusaders from the Seljuk Turks, went to Byzantium. The Second Crusade, in the context of the ongoing struggle of Byzantium with the Arab-Muslim world and with the West, rather weakens than strengthens the position of the Byzantine Empire. In the 12th century. Byzantium wins its last victories. One of these victories ended the struggle for the Balkans, which allowed Byzantium to launch an invasion of Italy. The purpose of this invasion was to create an alliance between Byzantium and southern Italian cities. In the second half of the 12th century, however, the situation that led Byzantium to a historical catastrophe became more and more noticeable. The Byzantine army was defeated by the Seljuk Turks. The Empire abandons military operations in Asia Minor and Italy. The Sicilian Normans intensified their actions against Byzantium. Relations with the Holy Roman Empire are strained.

The internal problems of the empire, whose strength was undermined by the Third and especially the Fourth Crusades, are becoming equally catastrophically aggravated. The Vatican, which inspired and blessed these campaigns, increasingly directed them towards destruction Byzantine state. The goal of the IV Crusade was the subjugation of the Byzantine Orthodox Church to the Pope. IN 1204 g. The crusaders captured Constantinople, and a decision was made to partitio romaniae, those. section of the Byzantine Empire. As a result, a new state arises, which is called the Constantinople, or Latin Empire. In this new empire, Orthodoxy was officially replaced by Catholicism, and Baldwin of Flanders became emperor. The forces of this hastily created state were quite ephemeral, but the Latin Empire played a serious role in weakening Byzantium. At this time, in the Greek territories (Nicaea, Epirus, Trebizond) of the Byzantine Empire not conquered by the crusaders, national-patriotic forces were maturing. The struggle against the Latin Empire and for the revival of Byzantium begins. IN 1261 g. Byzantine Empire was restored. But this empire could no longer compare with the former great power. The once brilliant capital, Constantinople, was a sad sight. It was reminiscent of Rome during the barbarian invasion.

IV Crusade in a certain sense, it also touched Rus'. Taking advantage of the difficult situation of Byzantium, Pope Innocent III through diplomatic channels turned to the Russian princes with a proposal to convert to Catholicism. He sends his nuncios and legates to Rus'. However, the Russian princes refused the pope's proposals, and the difficult situation of Byzantium led to the unity of Orthodox Rus'. Pope Innocent III will not forget the confrontation with Rus'. He will become the inspiration of the Teutonic Order for the expansion of the Baltic states, the Northern Crusades.

After the destruction of the Latin Empire, Byzantium again begins the war for the Balkans. During this period, the Arab-Muslim world became more active. Only one thing could protect Byzantium from the invasion of the Muslim forces of the East - the conclusion of a union with the West, i.e. with the Vatican. Byzantium decided to take this step. IN 1274 g. at the cathedral in Lyon was signed union, according to which Byzantium pledged to accept Catholic dogma and recognize the supremacy of the pope in church affairs. However, despite the fact that the Union of Lyons was signed at the highest level, the clergy and monasticism of Byzantium refused to accept it. Added to the external catastrophic situation of Byzantium is a serious internal conflict: the empire begins civil wars. In the struggle for central power, the separatist feudal aristocracy of Byzantium wins. This victory draws the entire empire into a new round of disaster, contributing to its final destruction and fall.

At this time, the systematic, purposeful conquest of the empire by the Seljuk Turks began. In 1389, the infamous battle of Kosovo took place, which decided future fate The Balkans (which were extremely important for the empire, opening its way to the West) in favor of the Ottoman Turks.

Two more episodes will be included in Russian-Byzantine relations, which were practically interrupted long ago, when both countries came into contact. After the loss of the Balkans, the Byzantines, acutely aware of the real threat of Turkish conquest, again became concerned with the question: how to save the empire? And Byzantium again turns to the West. IN 1439 g. in Florence a new Ferraro-Florentine union was signed with the Vatican, many paragraphs of which repeated the Union of Lyons of 1274. And again, the conditions of the union were Byzantium’s recognition of the supremacy of the pope, the adoption of Catholic dogma by the Orthodox empire. Byzantium in Orthodoxy retained only external cult rituals. Among those invited to the council in Florence were the Russian clergy, led by Metropolitan Isidore, Greek nationality. Metropolitan Isidore signs the union. In Rus', this act of Metropolitan Isidore caused an angry protest not only in the spiritual, but also in the secular environment, including the Grand Duke of Moscow Vasily II himself. Upon returning to the Principality of Moscow, Metropolitan Isidore was removed, and Metropolitan Jonah was appointed. For the first time in the history of the Russian state, the appointment of a metropolitan took place independently, without appeal to the Patriarch of Constantinople. With this act, Vasily II laid the foundation for the autocephaly of the Russian Orthodox Glorious Church.

From the middle of the 14th century. Until the middle of the 15th century, we can talk about the protracted agony of an ancient, highly civilized, once powerful state - the Byzantine Empire. In the 15th century The Ottoman Turks take decisive action. At dawn May 29, 1453. Constantinople was taken by storm. The Byzantine Empire fell. In place of Byzantium, a new state arises - the Ottoman Turkish Empire.

But still, don’t rush to bet last point in Russian-Byzantine diplomacy. Another very interesting episode was included in it, which took place when Byzantium had already sunk into oblivion, and relating to the period of the reign of the Grand Duke of Moscow Ivan III, entered into a marriage union with the niece of the last Byzantine emperor Constantine Palaiologos, Sophia. Sophia lived and was raised in Italy under the patronage and careful supervision of the Pope, who associated certain goals with her. Agreeing to the marriage of Ivan III with Sophia Paleologus, the pope had every reason to hope that Sophia would do everything to convert her husband, the Grand Duke of Moscow, to the “true faith”, to Catholicism, with all the ensuing consequences for the Russian state. The Pope raised Sophia as a kind of Catholic emissary. However, his strategy was not successful. Sophia brought with her to Moscow the attributes of imperial Byzantine power - the coat of arms of Byzantium (double-headed eagle), a scepter and an orb, thereby, as it were, making her husband the successor of the Byzantine emperors, Moscow Rus' - the successor) of Byzantium. Becoming Grand Duchess, Sophia contributed to the strengthening of Orthodoxy in Muscovy.

Russian-Byzantine diplomacy of the 9th-15th centuries. - complex, contradictory, with sharp fluctuations from hostility to peace, from peace to hostility, led to the fact that Rus', Russia becomes the spiritual and religious successor of Byzantium, and Moscow - the third Rome. In this aspect we can say that Russian-Byzantine; relationships continue to exist in infinity of time.

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