Campaign of 1916
Deciding that Russia was no longer capable of conducting a serious offensive on the Eastern Front, the German General Staff decided to shift the main blow to the Western Front, again trying to withdraw France from the war. Austria-Hungary concentrated its efforts on the defeat of the Italian army and the withdrawal of Italy from the war.
However, in the summer of 1916, the Russian Empire gave the Central Powers an unpleasant surprise. Contrary to the expectations of Berlin and Vienna, the Russian command decided to launch a major offensive (meeting the wishes of the Allies), which was very successful, although it did not lead to a fundamental change in the situation on the Eastern Front.
The front offensive operation of the Southwestern Front of the Russian Army under the command of General Alexei Brusilov (May - July 1916) led to victory. The Austrian front was broken. Russian troops occupied Lutsk, Dubno, Chernivtsi, Buchach. Our troops advanced from 80 to 120 km deep into enemy territory and occupied most of Volyn, Bukovina and part of Galicia. Austro-German troops lost 1.5 million people killed, wounded and captured (up to 500 thousand people were taken prisoner).
The combat capability of the Austro-German army was finally undermined, the Austrians held out only with the help of the Germans. Of the 650 thousand soldiers and officers that the Habsburg Empire kept on the Russian front in the summer of 1916, 475 thousand people were lost in two months, that is, almost three-quarters. The military power of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was broken. Within Austria-Hungary itself, defeatism sharply intensified.
To repel the Russian offensive, the German and Austrian command had to transfer 31 infantry and 3 cavalry divisions from the Western, Italian and Thessaloniki fronts, which eased the position of the Anglo-French troops on the Somme and saved the Italians from defeat. Under the influence of Russian success, Romania decided to take the side of the Entente. The strategic initiative finally passed from the Central Powers to the Entente countries.
However, there was no strategic turning point on the Eastern Front. Played their role "illness" Russian- Japanese war: indecision of the Russian Headquarters, inconsistency in the actions of individual fronts and dullness, lack of initiative by a significant part of the Russian generals. Brusilov rightly noted the "lack of a supreme leader" in the Russian army, since Emperor Nicholas II in this role looked unconvincing. The poor coordination of the strategy of the Entente powers played a role: the Anglo-French troops launched an offensive on the Somme only on July 1, when the first phase of the Russian offensive had already been completed, and the Italians were not at all able to develop any noticeable activity in their direction until the beginning of August. Apparently, there is a fair grain in the opinion that the Western powers continued the strategy of "continuing the war to the last Russian soldier."
Brusilov himself wrote: “This operation did not give any strategic results, and could not give any, because the decision of the military council on April 1 was not carried out to any extent. The Western Front did not strike the main blow, and the Northern Front had as its motto familiar to us from the Japanese war "patience, patience and patience." The Stavka, in my opinion, has in no way fulfilled its purpose of directing the entire Russian armed force. A grandiose victorious operation, which could have been carried out with the proper course of action of our supreme command in 1916, was inexcusably missed.
The Brusilovsky breakthrough forced Bucharest to take the side of the Entente. Romania, like Italy, bargained for a long time, wanting to get maximum benefit from the sale of their services. Deciding that the defeat of Austria-Hungary would make it possible to take Transylvania from Vienna, the Romanian government went over to the side of the Entente. On August 17, 1916, Russia, France and Romania signed a convention according to which Bucharest, after the victory, could count on receiving Transylvania, Bukovina, Banat and southern Galicia. On August 27, Romania declared war on the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
The Romanian army invaded the weakly defended Transylvania. However, Bucharest overestimated its own strength and underestimated the enemy. The Romanian army had low moral character, was poorly prepared, there was no rear service (the railway network was practically absent), there was not enough, especially artillery. The command was unsatisfactory. As a result, even the Austrian army was head and shoulders stronger than the Romanian. The 1st Austro-Hungarian Army, with the support of the 9th German Army, quickly seized the strategic initiative and ousted the Romanian troops from Hungarian Transylvania. Then the Austro-Bulgarian troops under the command of the German General Mackensen struck from Bulgaria. At the same time, the 3rd Bulgarian army launched an offensive in Dobruja, which was supported by the 11th German army and Turkish units. The Russian command sent auxiliary troops under the command of General Zayonchkovsky to help the Romanians. However, the Russian-Romanian troops suffered a heavy defeat. Mackensen crossed the Danube, and the Austro-German-Bulgarian troops launched an offensive against Bucharest in three directions. Bucharest fell on December 7th. The Russian command had to transfer significant forces to the southern strategic direction and create the Romanian Front, which included Russian troops and the remnants of the Romanian army.
Thus, Bucharest, hoping to profit at the expense of Austria-Hungary and thinking that the right moment had come to enter the war, miscalculated. The Romanian army was incapable of independent action and could not resist the Austrians, who were supported by the Germans and Bulgarians. The Romanian army suffered a crushing defeat, the capital fell. Most of Romania was occupied by the Central Powers. Russia had to allocate additional troops and funds to close the gap. On the whole, Romania's entry into the war did not improve the position of the Entente. Russia received only new problem. In addition, the Central Powers were able to strengthen their resource base at the expense of Romania. Germany and its allies received oil from Constanta and Romanian agricultural resources, which significantly improved economic situation central block.
On the Italian front, both sides planned to go on the offensive and achieve decisive results. In March, the Fifth Battle of the Isonzo took place, but the Italian offensive did not lead to success. In May, the Austrians went on the offensive (Trentino operation). The Austrians broke through the Italian defenses, but by the end of the month their offensive fizzled out. On the Eastern Front, Russian troops went on the offensive, and the Austro-Hungarian command had to transfer large forces to the East. In mid-June, the Italians launched a counteroffensive, the Austro-Hungarian troops withdrew to their original positions. The bloody battle did not change the strategic situation at the front. In August the Italians again went on the offensive against the Isonzo and achieved some success. Before the end of the 1916 campaign, the Italian army conducted three more (seventh, eighth and ninth) offensives at the Isonzo in September, October and November. But they all ended in vain.
Austro-Hungarian mountain artillery
Campaign of 1917
In June 1917, the Russian army went on the offensive and achieved some success. But the offensive failed due to a catastrophic drop in discipline in the Russian troops. After the revolution, the meaning of war for the soldiers and a significant part of the officers was completely lost. In July, the Austro-German troops, meeting with little resistance, advanced through Galicia, and were stopped only at the end of the month. On the Romanian front, the Russian-Romanian troops also initially achieved success, but in August the Austro-German troops launched a counteroffensive. However, here the Russian-Romanian troops had not yet decomposed and stopped the enemy.
On the Italian front in May, the Italians launched a new offensive on the Isonzo (already the tenth in a row). The Italian troops achieved some success, but could not break through the Austrian defenses. In June, the Italians attacked in the Trentino area. Initially, the Italian Alpine riflemen were successful, but the Austrians launched a counteroffensive and drove the enemy back. The attacks of the Italian troops continued until June 25, but were unsuccessful and were accompanied by heavy losses. In August, the Eleventh Battle of the Isonzo began and lasted until October. The Italians captured a number of important positions.
Thus, the Austro-Hungarian army held the main positions, the Italians achieved local successes, "biting" into the enemy defenses. However, Austria-Hungary was already “tottering”, the army, having suffered huge losses (especially in the East), was decomposing. Society is tired of war. In Vienna, they began to fear that in the event of a new powerful offensive by the Italian army, supported by the British and French, the front would simply collapse, which would be the end of the empire.
The Austro-Hungarian command believed that only a powerful offensive could save the situation, which was possible only with the help of the Germans. In contrast to 1916, when the German General Staff denied the Austrians large-scale support, in 1917 assistance was provided. A strike force was formed from eight Austrian and seven German divisions. From it they created a new 14th army under the command of the German general Otto von Belov. On October 24, the Austro-German troops went on the offensive. Austro-German troops broke through the Italian defenses and captured Plezzo and Caporetto. The Italians hurriedly retreated, there was a panic. To save the ally, France and England began to hastily transfer reinforcements to Italy. This encouraged the Italians. Emergency measures allowed to strengthen the defense. In November, the enemy was stopped on the Piave River, the front stabilized with the support of the Anglo-French troops.
new emperor
On November 21, 1916, the Austrian emperor Franz Joseph died, who ruled for 68 years (since 1848). The new emperor under the name of Charles I is his great-nephew Karl Franz Joseph. He was not prepared for such a high mission. Until the summer of 1914, the young Archduke was in the shadow of Franz Ferdinand. And after his death, Emperor Franz Joseph did not initiate his great-nephew into the intricacies of high politics. There are two main reasons. Firstly, the aged pessimistic emperor, apparently, from the very beginning of the war, guessed about its outcome and did not want the name of the young heir to be associated with the decision to start the war. This gave Charles the opportunity for political maneuver.
Secondly, the highest civil and military bureaucracy of Austria-Hungary was already living its own life, pushing the monarch back. Franz Joseph was old and passive, which allowed the highest dignitaries to play their game. The Austro-Hungarian bureaucracy was not interested in the fact that the new heir had the influence of his deceased predecessor. Therefore, Archduke Karl from the very beginning of the war fell into unspoken isolation. Karl could not get out of this situation on his own, since he was not a strong personality, like his uncle.
In August 1914, Karl was seconded to the General Staff, but did not have any influence on the development of the military plans of the empire. At the beginning of 1916, the heir was assigned to the Italian front, where he headed the 20 Corps. Karl managed to command the 1st Army, which in August 1916 entered into battle with the Romanians. On the Romanian front, the heir felt a taste of victory, but he also saw that Austria was heavily dependent on German help. When in November 1916 a telegram arrived about a sharp deterioration in the health of the emperor, he left for the capital to take power. By this time, he had not managed to acquire intelligent and dedicated advisers and had no plan to transform the empire.
Hurray-patriotic sentiments disappeared quickly. Within a few months, it became clear that the war was total and would drag on for a long time. Even long wars with Napoleon did not require so much strength and had breaks. It soon became clear that in such a war the economic foundation of the country plays the most important role. The front demanded a huge amount of weapons, ammunition, various ammunition, food, horses, etc.
Economically, the Habsburg Empire was ready for a short-term campaign in the Balkans against a weak enemy. But a protracted war ruined Austria-Hungary. A colossal flow of young and healthy men went to the front, the process of constant mobilization caused irreparable damage national economy. In January 1916, men aged 50-55 were declared liable for military service. About 8 million people were drafted into the army, of which more than half died and were wounded. The number of working women and adolescents has increased. But they could not replace men. This led to a drop in production in such important industries as coal and iron ore mining. Things got to the point that in 1917 the Austrian government ordered the churches to hand over the bells for remelting. The authorities carried out campaigns among the population to collect scrap metal, announced “rubber weeks”, “wool weeks”, etc. In 1917, all theaters, cinemas and other places of entertainment were closed in Budapest due to a lack of coal.
True, some industries that received military orders flourished. For example, the Czech shoe company Tomas Bata, which produced about 350 pairs of shoes a day before the war, by 1917 was already producing about 10 thousand pairs daily, and the number of its employees increased almost 10 times in three years.
The fall in production occurred in agriculture. The longer the war went on, the stronger were the contradictions between both parts of the empire, since Hungary was better provided with food and did not want to carry out additional deliveries to the Austrian Cisleithania. As a result, food shortages began to be felt in the Austrian lands from the first months of the war. The Austrian government introduced cards for the most important types of food products, set maximum allowable prices for most products. However, due to the crisis of agriculture, the food shortage became stronger every year. A kilogram of flour in Ciisletania cost an average of 0.44 kroons in the summer of 1914, 0.80 a year later, and 0.99 kroons in the summer of 1916. Moreover, it was extremely difficult to buy it for this money, and on the black market (it appeared in 1915), a kilogram of flour could cost 5 times more. In the last two years of the war, the rise in prices became even more noticeable. At the same time, the rate of inflation greatly outpaced the growth in incomes of the overwhelming majority of the population. Real wages fell by almost half in industry and by a third among employees.
At the end of 1916, the crisis of the Austro-Hungarian economy escalated sharply. However, until 1917, the discontent of the population was almost not manifested. From time to time there were strikes of workers (in enterprises that were engaged in military production, it was forbidden to strike under the threat of a military tribunal), but the strikers mainly put forward economic demands. The first two years were a time when society got used to the war and still hoped that a favorable outcome was possible.
However, the ruling circles understood that the danger of a social explosion, intensified by national sentiments, was very high. In July 1916, Emperor Franz Joseph told his adjutant: “Our affairs are bad, maybe even worse than we think. In the rear, the population is starving; it cannot continue like this. Let's see how we manage to survive the winter. Next spring, no doubt, I will put an end to this war.” The old emperor did not live until spring. But Charles came to the throne, also convinced of the need for a speedy peace.
Vienna was pushed towards peace by the impending bankruptcy of the country. It wasn't just weakness financial system empire, before the war the situation in it was quite stable, but in terms of resources. Austria-Hungary did not have as many resources as its opponents. The Austro-Hungarian industry was weaker than the German one and could not satisfy all the needs of the army and rear for several years. And the external sources of supply of raw materials and goods were almost all cut off by the enemy. Austria-Hungary also lost the ability to obtain loans from abroad to keep the economy afloat. It was not possible to agree on loans with the United States, and in 1917 America took the side of the Entente. It remained to carry out internal loans, of which more than 20 were carried out during the war years: 8 in Austria and 13 in Hungary. The Austrian kroon depreciated throughout the war: in July 1914, one dollar was worth 4.95 kroons, at the end of the war more than 12 kroons per dollar. Gold reserves were rapidly declining. In the course of 1915 alone, the volume of gold reserves in monetary terms decreased by almost a third. By the end of the war, the gold reserves had decreased by 79% compared to December 1913.
At the same time, Austria-Hungary fell into not only military, but also economic dependence on Germany. The economy of the Danubian monarchy was increasingly dependent on Germany. As early as November 1914, German banks, with the support of the government, purchased Austrian and Hungarian government securities worth 300 million marks. During the 4 years of the war, the amount of loans provided German Empire Austria, exceeded 2 billion marks, while Hungary received 1.3 billion marks.
Despite the revolution in Russia, which eventually led to the liquidation of the Eastern Front, the participation of Austrian troops in the occupation of Little Russia and stability on the Italian front, the internal situation of Austria-Hungary did not improve. The burden of war crushed the stability of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
Political situation
In political and public life during the war in the Habsburg Empire "screwed the screws." After the dissolution of the Reichsrat in March 1914, political life came to a standstill. Even in Hungary, where the parliament continued to function, Prime Minister Tisza effectively established an authoritarian regime. All the efforts of the empire were concentrated on achieving a military victory. Basic civil liberties were limited - unions, meetings, the press, the secrecy of correspondence, the inviolability of the home, jury trials were abolished. Censorship was introduced, and a special agency, the Wartime Supervision Authority, was created, which was responsible for enforcing emergency measures. The restrictions concerned various aspects of life: from the ban on commenting on the course of hostilities in newspapers (only dry official reports were allowed to be printed) to tightening the rules for owning hunting weapons.
A struggle began with "unreliable" elements, which were primarily seen in the Slavs. The worse the situation at the front was, the more they searched for "internal enemies". Austria-Hungary literally turned into a "prison of peoples" before our very eyes. War Department instructed to establish especially careful supervision over Slavic teachers drafted into the army, primarily Serbs, Czechs and Slovaks. It was feared that they would conduct "subversive propaganda".
In the Czech Republic, Galicia, Croatia, Dalmatia, folk songs that had peacefully existed for hundreds of years were banned, children's primers, books, poems, etc. were confiscated. Permanent supervision was established over "politically unreliable", "suspicious people" were put in special camps. Moreover, these repressions were clearly unjustified. Despite the war-weariness, deterioration of life and restrictive measures until the death of Emperor Franz Joseph and the return to parliamentary life in Austria in the spring of 1917, there was no mass opposition. A strong and organized opponent of the monarchy arose only in 1917-1918, and the main prerequisite for the sharp growth of the opposition was a military defeat.
Thus, the policy of the Austrian and Hungarian authorities in relation to the "unprivileged" peoples turned out to be disastrous and led to the opposite results. “Tightening the screws” and repressions only strengthened the national movement, which had been in a “sleeping” position for a long time.
This was most pronounced in the Czech Republic. Already at the beginning of the war, a small group of separatists formed among Czech politicians who firmly stood for the destruction of the Habsburg empire and the creation of an independent Czechoslovakia. They fled west through Switzerland or Italy. Among them was Tomas Masaryk, who headed the Czech Foreign Committee (later the Czechoslovak National Council) established in Paris and would become the first president of Czechoslovakia. Among his assistants was E. Benes, the future second president of Czechoslovakia and one of the pioneers of military aviation, the Slovak M. Stefanik. This committee was actively supported by France. In 1915, the Czech Committee declared that if before the Czech parties sought the independence of the Czech people within the framework of the Habsburg Empire, now the Czech and Slovak political emigration will seek independence from Austria-Hungary.
True, the influence of political emigration for the time being was small. Bohemia itself was dominated by activists, members of activism, a movement that sought to achieve Czech national autonomy within the Habsburg Empire. Representatives of other peoples during the war also emphasized their loyalty to the Habsburgs. But after the accession of Charles, liberal tendencies prevailed in the elite, and national movements quickly took the path of radicalization.
The Austrian Germans were loyal to the dynasty and the alliance with Germany. However, almost all the influential Austro-German parties, apart from the Social Democrats, also pushed for reforms. In 1916, the "Easter Declaration" was announced, which proposed the creation of "Western Austria", which would include the Alpine, Bohemian lands and the Slavic Krajna and Gorica. Slavic Galicia, Bukovina and Dalmatia were to receive autonomy.
At the beginning of the war, the Hungarian political elite occupied almost all right-wing, conservative positions, uniting around the Tisza government. However, a split gradually occurred. Liberals, nationalists and other traditionalists, who relied on the aristocracy, the gentry and the big bourgeoisie, were opposed by moderate opposition in the person of the Independence Party, which insisted on the federalization of the kingdom. However, until the death of Franz Joseph, Tisza's position was unshakable.
Transylvanian Romanians were politically passive. Slovaks, after a long Magyarization, also did not show political activity. Representatives of the Slovak emigration worked closely with the Czechs and the Entente. They chose between different scenarios: focusing on Russia, on Poland, or a Polish-Czech-Slovak federation. As a result, the line on the creation of a common state with the Czechs won.
A special situation was the Poles. Polish National freedom movement was split into several groups. Right-wing Polish politicians, headed by R. Dmowski, considered Germany the main enemy of Poland and were on the side of the Entente. They believed that the Entente could restore the national unity and independence of Poland, even if under the auspices of Russian Empire. The Polish socialists, headed by J. Pilsudski, hated Russia and everything Russian and staked on Germany and Austria-Hungary. However, Piłsudski was a flexible politician and kept in mind the scenario that Tsarist Russia would collapse but the Central Powers would lose the war to England and France. As a result, the Poles fought on both sides of the front line. Another Polish political group was in Galicia. The Polish Galician aristocracy believed that best solution Poland will be restored at Russian expense and under the rule of the Habsburgs. But such a scenario was opposed by Hungary, which was afraid of the infusion of new Slavs into the Habsburg empire and, accordingly, the weakening of the two-pronged principle.
In Berlin, after the Kingdom of Poland was captured in the summer of 1915, they began to think about creating a loyal buffer Polish state, closely connected with the German Empire. The Vienna court did not support such an idea, since pro-German Poland was shaking the Austro-Hungarian Empire. However, Vienna had to give in. On November 5, 1916, a joint Austro-German declaration was proclaimed, which proclaimed the independence of the Kingdom of Poland. Determination of the borders of the new state was postponed until the post-war period. The Poles could not count on Galicia. On the same day, Vienna granted extended autonomy to Galicia, making it clear that this province was an indivisible part of the Habsburg empire. The Poles, who lived under German rule in Silesia and other areas, were also deprived, they remained part of Germany. New Poland was going to be created only at the expense of Russia. At the same time, the Austrians and Germans were in no hurry to form the Kingdom of Poland. They could not agree on the candidacy of the Polish king, the Polish army was formed slowly. As a result, the Poles began to look towards the Entente, which could offer them more.
In the South Slavic lands the situation was difficult. Croatian nationalists, whose core was the Croatian Party of Rights, advocated the formation of an independent Croatia - within the framework of the Habsburg Empire or completely independent. Croatian nationalists laid claim not only to Croatia proper and Slavonia, but also to Dalmatia and Slovenia. Their position was anti-Serb. Serbs were considered less cultured (Orthodox), backward and "younger" branch of the Croatian people. According to this theory, Slovenes were also recorded as Croats - the so-called. "Mountain Croats". Croatian nationalists demanded the Croatianization of Serbs and Slovenes, copying the Magyarization policy in Hungary.
Croatian radicals were opposed by Serbian nationalists. Their main goal was to unite all the southern Slavs within the framework of "Great Serbia". However, in order to resist the Hungarian authorities, with their policy of Magyarization, gradually moderate Croatian and Serbian politicians came to the conclusion that an alliance was necessary. The Croatian-Serbian coalition came to power in Dalmatia, then in Croatia and advocated a trialist solution. However, the repressions of the authorities gradually transferred a significant part of the Slavic politicians to the radical rails. Tensions rose in Croatia, Dalmatia and especially Bosnia. After the outbreak of the war, the mass exodus of the Slavs for the front line from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Banat and other provinces began. The Serbian army was replenished by thousands of volunteers who fled from Austria-Hungary.
In 1915, in Paris, Serbian, Croatian and Slovene politicians created the Yugoslav Committee, which was headed by the Croatian politician A. Trumbich (in 1918 he became Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes). The committee later moved to London. However, until 1917 there was no full-scale national liberation movement in the south of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Loyal politicians prevailed. It was especially calm in the Slovenian lands.
To be continued…
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The Austro-Hungarian Empire was formed in 1867 on the basis of an agreement between the ruling elites of the two countries.
The Austrian Empire included the Czech Republic, Moravia, Galicia and Bukovina, and Hungary - Slovakia, Croatia and Transylvania.
In the same year, a new constitution for the empire was adopted. According to her, the general ruler of the empire was the Emperor of Austria. The emperor was a representative of the Habsburg dynasty. This dynasty led the empire from 1867 to 1918. During the formation of the empire, Franz Joseph II was the emperor.
In Austria, imperial power was officially limited by the Reichstag, and in Hungary by the Diet. Therefore, the Austro-Hungarian Empire was a constitutional monarchy.
After the creation of the empire, 3 all-imperial ministries were formed: 1. External Affairs. 2. Naval. 3. Financial. The remaining ministries functioned independently for each of the two parts of the empire. Hungary had its own parliament, executive power, political and administrative autonomy. The majority of the population of the empire consisted of conquered Slavic peoples.
In the last quarter of the 19th century, Austria-Hungary was one of the most backward countries in Europe. The preserved remnants of feudalism in the country led to a slowdown in the pace of industrial progress compared with the advanced countries of Europe.
In the 1990s, the urban population accounted for only one third of the entire population of Austria-Hungary. Even in Austria, the most developed part of the empire, the majority of the population was rural.
The Austro-Hungarian agreement, concluded in 1867, was a definite impetus for the economic development of Hungary. Based on the coal base of Hungary, the metallurgical industry began to develop. But the main industrial sector in Hungary was still the food industry. In 1898, Hungary produced half of the food production of the empire.
In the industrial regions of the country - Lower Austria and the Czech Republic - the process of concentration of production and the formation of monopolies proceeded rapidly.
By the beginning of the 20th century, loan capital was concentrated mainly in a few large banks in Vienna. The role of the financial oligarchy in the life of the country has increased.
One more characteristic feature progress of the empire was the growth of its dependence on foreign capital. The banks of France, Belgium, Germany flooded Austria with their capital by investing in industry. Such industries of Austria-Hungary as metallurgy, mechanical engineering, electrical engineering, etc., were provided financially by German firms. In the textile and engineering enterprises, the position of German capital was very strong. German capital broke into Agriculture. 200,000 hectares of Austrian land belonged to German landlords.
The working people of the empire fought for their rights. For example, in 1869, a mass demonstration of workers was held in the capital of the empire, Vienna. The demonstrators demanded the granting of democratic freedoms.
In response, the government accused the leaders of the labor movement of betrayal. The court sentenced them to lengthy imprisonment.
The Austrian government, following the example of Bismarck, in 1884 introduced an "emergency law" against the labor movement. The law permitted the intensification of police terror against the labor movement. By the end of the 1980s, the trade unions were dissolved and the publication of workers' newspapers was suspended. Despite this, the workers continued to fight. For example, in 1889 the Austrian Social Democratic Party (ASDP) was created. The party program included such provisions as granting political freedoms, passing a law on the choice of parliament by general, equal, direct and secret ballot, separating church from state, schools from church, and reducing the working day.
Due to the intensification of the labor movement in 1907, the government was forced to pass an electoral reform law. Voting rights were given to men from the age of 24.
Chauvinist-minded forces, striving to preserve the colonial position of the Slavic peoples, created their own political parties. One of these parties was called the Pan-German Union and the other the Christian Socialist Party.
The leaders of the Christian Socialist Party, most of whom were Austrian Catholics, propagated the idea of " Greater Germany” along with agitation of the class world, a call for the solution of all social contradictions “in the spirit of commonwealth and love” and propaganda of anti-Semitism. But the ruling circles were unable to stop the national liberation movement of the Slavic people.
The Czech opposition demanded that the Czech Republic be granted political rights. The government responded by stepping up repression. In 1868, a blockade was even introduced in the Czech Republic. But this did not break the Czech opposition. The struggle continued. And, finally, in 1880, bilingualism was introduced in the Czech Republic for conducting judicial and administrative cases. Since 1882, teaching in two languages (German and Czech) began at the University of Prague.
The Ukrainian population in Galicia was also under national oppression. The Austrian government, having concluded an agreement with the ruling classes of Galicia, provided them with the leadership of the region.
In the last decades of the 19th century, national oppression increased even more. The Ukrainian population in Transcarpathia was "Hungarianized". Croatia was constantly in a state of war or a state of emergency, popular discontent was suppressed.
The government responded to the Croatian national liberation movement in 1912 by dissolving the Croatian Seimas and suspending the constitution.
In 1912, a severe economic crisis began in Austria-Hungary. As a result, large industrial and commercial enterprises went bankrupt. The export potential of the empire dropped sharply. The ruling circles of the empire further intensified national oppression, as a result of which the economic and national liberation struggle intensified.
Despite the difficult situation, the ruling circles of the empire began to actively participate in the aggressive policy of Austria in the Balkans. The army has been transformed. This meant that the empire was preparing for war. In the capital of Hungary - Budapest, a demonstration of many thousands was held against the unification of the country, national oppression and preparation for war.
General discontent led to mass strikes by workers. Police forces were sent against the demonstrators. As a result, Budapest was filled with barricades. But the forces were not equal, and the workers were forced to suspend the strike.
The social movement and the national liberation struggle of the Slavic peoples that were part of the empire marked the entry of the Austro-Hungarian Empire into a deep crisis period.
The idea of trialism began to spread widely in the ruling circles of the country and in political organizations. The idea of trialism meant the transformation of the empire into a federation, including Austria, Hungary and the lands of the Slavic peoples that are part of the empire, uniting all three countries on an equal footing. But the ruling circles, fearing the strengthening of the Slavic part of the federation, rejected the idea of trialism.
This was the reason for the aggravation of the internal contradictions of the empire on the eve of the First World War.
Federation (lat. foederatio - union, association) - a single union state, consisting of state entities that have a certain and political independence in territorial terms.
Loan - the provision of something on the terms of a guarantor, the return of what is provided and the payment
The longer the war lasted, the more the high command had to pay attention to the internal situation of the country. Reports from the highest military authorities, materials from the Vienna counterintelligence center, observations by the political group of the intelligence bureau, and reports from special secret observers - all this provided abundant material for assessing the internal political situation.
It was impossible not to admit that the poor organization of the food supply in Austria began to stifle the will to war even among the absolutely reliable sections of the population. In the German part of Bohemia, in the Moravian-Silesian coalfield, in Styria, Lower Austria and Vienna, it came to demonstrations. Reassuring assurances and references to objective conditions were of little use if food was not delivered on time.
It was remarkable that the Social Democracy stood aloof from these actions. On May 1, 1916, the leader of the Social Democracy, Pernerstorfer, praised Emperor Wilhelm II as a peace-loving monarch and emphasized the interest of the working class in bringing the war to a victorious end. Domes spoke at a meeting of the Austrian Metal Workers' Union in July with the slogan "hold on to the end".
This attitude towards the war on the part of the Social Democracy is all the more remarkable in that a movement of international solidarity of the working class was already emerging abroad. The "Dutch faction", clearly hostile to the Central Powers, decided at the March Congress of 1916 in The Hague to conduct anti-militarist propaganda in the belligerent countries, to spread rumors of peace in the Central Powers and to prepare a general strike in neutral countries seeking to enter the war. The congress was attended by German French, Russian and Rumanian social democrats and anarchists; from Austria there was only one Social Democrat - Paul.
Proclamations that appeared in various parts of Germany and Austria at the beginning of 191–6 called on the population to take action against the war. Anti-war postcards were also confiscated.
Attention was drawn to the excessively large number of German, Polish and Hungarian Jews who deserted to Holland, in connection with which in the spring of 1916 we appointed Lt. Col. Ishkovsky. According to the information he received, the desertion was organized by England with the help of Zionist organizations. There is no doubt that the head of the Zionists in Scheveningen, Heinrich Grünzwein, was in close contact with the Zionists in Krakow and Lvov.
The real disaster was the prisoners of war who fled from the camps. By the end of April 1916, there were already 12,440 of them. True, only a few of them, like Gen. Kornilov, managed to get home, but the rest kept our security agencies in constant fear of the possibility of sabotage attacks. As reality has shown, these fears were exaggerated. The explosion at the Enzesfeld military factory on May 18, 1916 was caused by excessive heating of the boiler. Other accidents were also caused by non-observance of technical safety rules in production. Only the explosion of the arsenal in Cetinje, which was supposed to serve as a signal for an uprising, could be attributed to the Montenegrins.
The explosion of the arsenal served as a prearranged signal for a simultaneous general attack on the occupying forces. At the head of the conspiracy, revealed in a timely manner, was the former Serbian Minister of War, Gen. Radomir Vezovich. When the governor-general sent one officer to him to convey the demand to leave the country within 24 hours, Vezovich, together with his two brothers, treacherously killed the officer, and he fled to the mountains. His father and brother were taken hostage, and it was announced that they would be hanged if Vezovich did not appear in court within five days. Vezovich continued to hide. As a result, his brother was given into the hands of the executioner, the elderly father was pardoned. Only after the announcement of an amnesty in the spring of 1918 did the general appear and immediately express his readiness to take part in the fight against the rebels. even gave him a monthly allowance of 1,000 crowns.
A certain danger was also represented by prisoners who returned from Russia as an exchange. The anti-state propaganda organized in the Russian POW camps could also have an adverse effect on the returnees. In addition, it was necessary for the future to identify traitors and instigators who remained in Russia. In this regard, it was necessary to organize a kind of political quarantine, through which it was necessary to separate loyal elements from anti-state ones and, through a survey, obtain incriminating data on the activities of traitors in captivity. Therefore, in mid-September, at a meeting in the Ministry of War, it was decided at the 10th department (cases of prisoners of war) to organize, together with the censorship service, a registration of politically unreliable persons. In addition, in Sassnitz (Germany), where returning prisoners arrived from Sweden, a checkpoint was organized.
Protests against the mass internment of politically suspicious persons began to be frequently received from state bodies and public organizations. Gradually, counterintelligence itself began to look at things more calmly. The provincial governments were tasked with investigating the internees and the reasons for their internment. Those found not guilty were released. In Thalerdorf (near Graz) in the middle of 1916, of the 14,000 Galicians and Bukovinians who were located, about. 11,300 people. The rest were predominantly Rusyns. As it turned out later, they acted too liberally. The Przemysl military district had a lot of trouble with the returnees, among whom turned out to be a very different Russophile. In Syrmia, after a hasty check of the internees in the camps, such a large number of anti-state elements returned that the military command had to resort to their internment again.
One of the consequences of the defeat on the Russian front was a new aggravation of the Polish question. The socialist Iodko Narkevich suggested that our high command use a secret Polish military organization, which, according to the regiment. Paich, numbered up to 300,000 people. In the conditions of that time, one could not underestimate such strength. If used incorrectly, it was a great danger. The only question is under what conditions it was possible to achieve its use. There was no unanimity between Germany and Austria-Hungary on this matter. After recent setbacks on the Austro-Hungarian front, Germany was not at all inclined to agree to an Austro-Polish agreement. In addition, by this time, relations with Brigadier Pilsudski had worsened due to the refusal to give him command of all the Polish legions. The reason for the refusal was numerous protests from Polish groups hostile to Piłsudski, especially right-wing parties. As a result, in July 1916 he submitted his resignation. Consent to this was given to him only on September 26, 1916.
In the meantime, it was decided to create a Polish auxiliary corps instead of the legion. As a result of lengthy negotiations with Col. Sikorsky, an ardent supporter of the Austro-Polish agreement, it was planned to form a Polish corps consisting of 4 brigades, with their own regimental colors and Polish uniforms. However, before that, a declaration of the Central Powers regarding the future of Poland was necessary. In connection with the resistance of Germany, one solution remained: to declare Poland an independent state, and to promise Galicia broad autonomy, leaving it a Polish province of Austria. A whole storm of indignation arose against the "new partition of Poland." Deputy Dashinsky sharply attacked the command eastern front, through whose fault this rotten compromise became necessary. The high command, who knew about all this from their secret informants, had to make every effort to further agree on the Polish question between Austria and Germany. In addition, at this time the danger in the east had already been eliminated, and there was no longer an urgent need for Polish army, which was still, in essence, in the realm of the imagination. Meanwhile, the creation of an independent Polish kingdom, if necessary, further pumping out economic resources from the population, was associated with undesirable complications. However, the case had already been started, and on November 5, 1916, a manifesto was published by the Central Powers. As established by our agents, the first impression was, contrary to expectations, good.
However, this did not last long. The Entente, in fear of the ghost of the Polish army, qualified the manifesto as a violation of international law. Its press poured out poison and bile, convincing the Poles that all this was done only for the sake of recruiting new soldiers. Russophiles - primarily Dmovsky - protested. Seyda, Count Zamoyski and Paderewski came out with a fiery protest. The socialists were also indignant at the occupation authorities - the "Hangmen of Poland", who had sold Polish independence. Regiment. Sikorsky, who decided to resume recruiting, was heavily attacked. He was called a corrupt traitor, trading in the blood of the Polish people. The Polish military organization called for joining its ranks, but it postponed arming its members until the start of the offensive against Russia.
Entente agents appeared in Poland, agitating against the formation of an army. Our embassy in Copenhagen, which counteracted the espionage of the Russian Colonel Potocki and the military attache Beskrovny, established that propaganda was spreading from Denmark, seeking to arouse discontent in the Polish legion and among our and German troops in Poland and Lithuania. Recruitment into the Polish corps was a complete failure. The Poles in the newly created kingdom were dissatisfied with the fact that the occupying authorities continued to seize food and other necessities from them. The Poles in Galicia, left separated from Poland, grumbled. Finally, the Ukrainians lost hope of freeing themselves from the rule of the Poles. The result of all this was deep dissatisfaction and excitement in the country, which had suffered greatly from the evacuation of the able-bodied population by the Russians and from the abuses of the Galician authorities. Thus, a clever, at first glance, political chess move turned out to be unsuccessful in all respects.
The only practical success achieved by the intelligence service was that (the dissemination of the manifesto on the Russian front by means of balloons greatly increased the influx of Polish defectors. This soon encouraged the Russians to use their Poles on the Caucasian front.
The mass of documents seized in Serbia revealed the abnormal situation that prevailed in our border areas. After an initial cursory review of these documents by the commission of Colonel Kerhnave, in order to obtain a general overview, I organized at the end of 1916 a systematic study of them by various authorities. Minister Pašić's papers traced all the stages of a broadly conceived policy to strengthen Serbia.Links were revealed with the Slavs in Austria-Hungary and even with the Hungarians.After the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the general political line of Serbia consisted was to blame the war on Austria-Hungary.
Before the war, the network of Serbian espionage, with the assistance of Czechs and Serbs, covered the whole of Austria-Hungary. According to the cash book of the Serbian Ministry of War for 1914, there were payments to 53 agents in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 31 agents in Croatian Slovenia, 5–6 in Hungary and in Sofia - a spy double engineer Kralj, who transferred the tasks of our military attache to the Serbs. Even more interesting data was found in the cash books regarding the spending of the secret fund of the Serbian Prime Minister. According to them, it was established that politicians who fought abroad against Austria, such as: Ginkovich, Zupilo, Bakotich, prof. Reis, Gregorin, Ivo, Voinovich and Dr. Gavrila received very substantial subsidies. So, for example, from May 29 to July 3, 1915, Zupilo received 12,000 dinars. A number of our agents turned out to be doubles. Among them is Taushanovich, who sold our cipher to the Serbs, obtained from the intelligence post in Panchov. Then the "international spy" and swindler Kuzhel, who tried to betray our agents in Thessaloniki to the Serbian envoy in Athens. Finally, the Albanian Bayram Kur, who has played the role of a double spy for the longest time. We also learned that an official of Serbian origin, who during the Balkan war was in charge of our radio station, set up on the border of Bosnia to intercept Serbian dispatches, had given this secret to the Serbian organization Narodna Odbrana.
A number of documents greatly compromised the Karageorgievich dynasty. In particular, an indictment from a military court dated 1879 was found, in which Petar Karageorgievich, Lukic from Milosevac and the tailor Milan Selyakovic were accused of illegally coming to Serbia in order to kill the reigning monarch. Even worse was a letter from S. Lukashevich to Pashich with a copy of a letter to the king dated 1905. In this letter, Lukashevich threatened the king that if his just monetary demands were not satisfied, he “will expose the monstrous facts: the assassination of King Alexander Obrenovic on the orders of Peter, the preparation of the Serbian invasion of Montenegro by deceiving the border guards with false documents; receiving commissions for orders for guns, Peter's intention to poison the Montenegrin princess Xenia if she marries King Alexander Obrenovic, etc. As can be seen from Serbian accounting, the stubborn Lukashevich really got his money.
In the presence of such morals, it is not surprising that the Serbs who fled to Geneva accused each other of embezzling public money.
Serbian intelligence agencies promptly destroyed their documents. Only in Loznica was this precaution not taken. Thanks to this, in the spring of 1916, a grandiose trial of 156 defendants began in Banjaluka, and in the winter, in a military court in Sarajevo, a trial of 39 defendants. The head of intelligence, Captain Kosta Todorovich, who committed suicide in September 1914 in order not to be captured, carefully kept a diary and a list of agents. Thanks to this and with the help of other documents, military experts managed to uncover the entire history of Serbian intelligence and its connection with the Slovenski Yug and Narodna Odbrana organizations. Most of the defendants - 119 people - were found guilty. Among the most important defendants sentenced to death, which was replaced by a prison at the Pardon, were 6 priests and 4 teachers.
In Dalmatia, where in general the Slavs were more loyal, agitators unexpectedly appeared, calling on the soldiers to desert. In a strange way, even excellent soldiers often did not return from vacation. Despite all efforts, the root of the evil could not be found.
The Slovenes, out of hatred for Italy, did their duty, but it was clear that they only postponed until the end of the war their hopes for unification with the Croats. In connection with the opposition of Hungary, the idea spread more and more, especially among the intelligentsia and youth, to achieve unification outside the framework of Austria-Hungary. Local authorities The Krains themselves had to admit that the schools in Laibach educated the youth more in the spirit of high treason than in the spirit of loyalty. Abroad, Serb anti-Austrian propaganda was making alarming progress. There were approximately 700,000 Serbs in America, most of whom were hostile to Austria-Hungary, and this fact could not be underestimated. These sentiments were evaded by the campaign trips of Dr. Potochniak and Milan Marjanovic. True, there was no unity among the various organizations. In Europe, Massaryk sought to unite parties that were united only in a hostile attitude towards Austria-Hungary. The Italians began to change their attitude towards the Slovaks, given that the hostility of the Slovene population made it extremely difficult to carry out their conquest plans. Minister Bisolatti announced in an interview published by the newspaper "Maten" about the upcoming alliance with the Yugoslavs.
Since 1916, the movement in favor of Czech independence began to wane in Bohemia. On the one hand, the leaders of the movement were neutralized, on the other hand, the inability of the Russians to develop their successes at the front influenced. In addition, the population was not up to politics because of food difficulties.
In South Tyrol, after the flight or internment of the irredentist intelligentsia, the spirit of loyalty prevailed. In particular, it found expression in July, when the traitors Cesare Battisti and Fabio Filzi were captured by local guards. When both captives had made their "arrival in the city," the inhabitants of Trient poured out into the street in droves. The convoy had to make every effort to save the traitors from lynching. Yet he could not force the population to stop spitting on the traitors, by which, according to the Italian custom, they expressed their feelings.
With regard to the loyalty of the Italians who fell into Russian captivity, their compatriots were also very disappointed. As early as October 6, 1914, the Russian ambassador in Rome, Krupensky, offered to transport between 10,000 and 20,000 Italian prisoners. This plan began to be carried out with the help of all sorts of tricks even before Italy entered the war, but most of the prisoners indignantly rejected the proposal. So, for example, in the camp, where there were 2,500 Italians, only one gave his consent. Later, due to the aggravation of the need among the prisoners and the loss of hope to return to their homeland, 4,300 of the 25,000 captured Italians were found, who were recognized as reliable and sent through Arkhangelsk to Italy. Of these, only 300 volunteered to go to the front. Italy could not hide her disappointment, and at the address of the leader of this case, the regiment. Many reproaches were sent to Bassignano. Approximately 2,000 people. of the total number of captured Italians, who reached IK at that time, 40,000 people were gathered during the Russian revolution in the camps near Kirsanov, but they also preferred to make their way through Siberia. The prisoners who ended up in Italy, naturally, wanted to keep in touch with their families, without revealing, however, their unseemly behavior. For this purpose, their mail began to be sent to a secret address in St. Petersburg "Uffizio centrale dei prigtonieri". But since the Italian post office put its stamp on these letters, this trick was immediately revealed by us.
Casting a general glance at the last months of 1916, it must be admitted that from a national point of view, the lack of food caused a number of unfavorable consequences, but counterintelligence, thanks to its good organization, successfully carried out its tasks.
Judicial workers who dealt with cases of espionage and treason specialized in this case. In addition, both they and the intelligence workers were greatly helped by the book of the officer of the General Staff, Captain Dr. Zobering, Major Ishkovsky and Captain Nordegg, "Anti-Espionage Service".
The work of counterintelligence was facilitated by the fact that the Austrian parliament had been dissolved since the beginning of the war. The activities of the Hungarian parliament, due to the more patriotic composition of the deputies, were less dangerous, although here too many rash speeches were made, which provided rich material for enemy propaganda.
The assassination of Prime Minister Count Stürk on October 21 testified to the presence of a radical wing in the Social Democratic Party that did not obey the old tried and tested leadership of Viktor Adler, Pernerstorfer and Schumeyer. The murderer, the son of Viktor Adler, put forward the negative attitude of Count Stürk to the convocation of parliament as a motive for the crime. Further, in early November, the national conference of the German Social Democratic Party of Austria passed a resolution on the immediate convocation of parliament and put forward the wish of Fr. an early end to the war.
Question 44.Foreign and domestic policy of Austria-Hungary 1867-1914. The national question and ways to solve it
Constitution of 1867 State structure of Austria-Hungary.
IN 1867 between Hungary, on the one hand, and Austria and the Habsburg dynasty, on the other, an agreement was concluded that transformed the semi-absolutist empire into a two-center constitutional monarchy with a liberal political system. The agreement of 1867 was a compromise, on the basis of which a real union of two states emerged - Austria and Hungary. It was based on a sober consideration of the fundamental interests of the two countries and their leading classes - the Hungarian landowners and the Austrian big bourgeoisie, as well as the Habsburg dynasty. The need for reconciliation based on significant mutual concessions became apparent after the defeat of the empire in the war of 1859, and especially after the brutal defeat of the Austrians near Sadovaya (Königgrätz) in 1866.
Agreement entered into force July 21, 1867. on the day of the coronation of Emperor Franz Joseph as king of Hungary, after Count Gyula Andrássy, the prime minister, placed the crown of the Hungarian kings on Habsburg. The emperor-king swore an oath of allegiance to the constitution of the kingdom.
Both countries, having entered into a "legal marriage", gained almost complete internal freedom in all their affairs, limited only by mutual obligations in relation to each other and to the reigning dynasty. The rights and obligations of both states were absolutely identical. The executive bodies represented by the cabinets of ministers (governments) were responsible to the parliaments of their countries, i.e. before the Reichsrat of Austria and the State Assembly of Hungary. The electoral system was based on the property qualification.
An important element of the system of dualism was the so-called "common affairs" and "common institutions" that implement them. Those were considered foreign policy and defense. They were in charge of the "general ministries" - foreign affairs and the military. A third ministry, finance, was also established to serve only the first two departments. Parliamentary control over them was carried out by delegations of 60 deputies, who were allocated by the parliaments of both states. They met separately, alternately in Vienna and Budapest. The delegations discussed the reports of the general ministers and approved their budgets
The dualistic agreement, the new form of existence of the historical empire created by him, and the very mechanism of its functioning is a unique phenomenon in world practice. The dualistic arrangement did not provide for any unified imperial government. The Hungarian side watched this vigilantly and jealously. Austria was no longer to command Hungary:
General issues were resolved at regularly convened councils (meetings) of "general" ministers together with the heads of governments of both states and other senior dignitaries specially invited. As a rule, these councils were chaired by the head of the foreign policy department, who was, as it were, the senior minister. His special position was further strengthened by the fact that he was also the Minister of the Court. The title of "Minister of the Imperial and Royal Houses" gave him the opportunity to have a certain influence on the internal affairs of both states.
Common were also foreign trade, customs, monetary system, currency. Economic issues (quotas, duties, trade agreements with other countries, etc.) were regulated by special economic agreements, the validity of which was limited to 10 years, as well as the powers of the issuing Austro-Hungarian Bank.
The Habsburg dynasty, in the person of the emperor-king, retained the extensive rights inherited from absolutism. In addition to general ministers, the monarch appointed and dismissed the heads of government of both parts of the empire, authorized the appointment of ministers, approved the laws issued in both states, convened and dissolved parliaments, and issued emergency decrees. Under his leadership, meetings (councils) of general ministers were held with the participation of the heads of both governments and with the involvement, if necessary, of the chief of the general staff and senior officials. He exercised the supreme leadership of foreign policy and the armed forces, jealously guarding these areas from parliamentary interference.
In 1867 the Habsburg Empire entered a new era in its history. A rather long period of prosperous (in comparison with both the previous and subsequent stages) existence began, lasting until the beginning of the First World War, without revolutionary cataclysms, wars and uprisings. Thanks to the agreement of 1867 and dualism in the last third of the 19th century. The Habsburg monarchy gained a new breath, gradually again managed to take its place among the great European powers. It ended with its centuries-old involvement in German affairs, and Germany got the opportunity to unite into a single state. At the same time, Austria also left Italy, where, owning almost the entire northern part of the country, for a long time hindered the unification of the Italian nation.
However, at the turn of the 19-20 centuries. there is a crisis of this system, because it stopped building Austrians (they wanted centralization) and Hungarians (they wanted independence), and even less suited the non-titular nations. At the beginning of the XX century. 2 parties formed in Hungary:
The party of 1848 stood for the independence of Hungary.
The party of 1867 favored the continuation of ties with Austria (dualism).
A serious crisis in Austria-Hungary came in 1897. when Hungary refused to extend the bilateral economic agreement. A new economic agreement was adopted only in 1902.
Another fundamental situation is related to the reform of the electoral law, since. according to the law of 1864, it was too limited (owners of land and houses voted, paying an annual tax of 105 crowns). Only 5% of the population of the empire were allowed to vote. In both Austria and Hungary, under the influence of the revolution in Russia (1905-1907), the struggle for electoral reform began.
Franz Joseph decided to react to this movement and in 1905 agreed to a reform of the suffrage, but this process was slowed down by the party of 1848. It demanded that Hungary have its own customs and its own national bank, that Hungarian be the command language in the Hungarian military units, that Hungary was connected with Austria only by personal union. In the Hungarian Diet, the party of 1848 disrupted the hearing of the electoral law.
The party of 1848 managed to get a majority in the elections to the Hungarian Diet. The emperor was worried that the Hungarians might become legally independent. He ordered the formation of a government not from the majority, but to form it at the head of his protege, General Feuervari. The party of 1848 again blocked the work of Parliament. In 1906, the emperor disperses the Hungarian parliament. After 1906, the situation in Austria-Hungary escalated mainly due to external processes. (Bosnian Crisis 1908 – 1909 years, the First Balkan War 1912 - 1913, Second Balkan War 1913.). Vague national contradictions showed the doom of the Habsburg monarchy.
Economic development of Austria-Hungary. Regional distribution of industry in Austria-Hungary.
Thanks to the modernization of the empire (the adoption of the act of 1867 on the transformation of the Austrian Empire into Austria-Hungary), the process of turning Austria-Hungary into an industrial-agrarian country is gradually taking place, which occupies 6-7 places in terms of economic indicators.
From the 70s. 19th century business activity begins to grow, many industrial enterprises appear, cash desks, banks, credit partnerships appear. The construction of railways is being actively carried out. In 1870, their length was 10 thousand km, and in 1900 - 40 thousand km. The state exempted railway companies from taxes and guaranteed them a 5% return on invested capital, which gave impetus to railway construction.
The 1870s were marked by the formation of monopoly industrial associations. So the production of iron and steel in Cisleithania was concentrated by 6 largest associations, which concentrated 90% of iron production and 92% of steel smelting.
The economy of Austria-Hungary is characterized by uneven economic development across regions. There were regions that were leaders in industrial production, but there were also outlying regions where the government conserved patriarchal economic relations. These regions were the agrarian and raw materials appendage of the empire. The leading region in industrial development was the Austro-Czech industrial complex. It rises due to the following reasons:
There were large deposits of coal, iron and other minerals.
Convenient transportation options;
The border with Germany, which showed demand for the goods of this region.
The Austro-Czech region had highly skilled workers.
Austria occupies a leading position in the training of engineers in Europe. She spent a large amount on their training. In 1870, more than 5% was spent on the training of workers from the budget (while 2% was spent on defense).
Since the middle of the 19th century, the Czech Republic has become the most highly developed region in industrial terms - 60% of all industrial enterprises of the empire. 60% of the industrial workers of the empire worked here. The Czech Republic provided 54% of the industrial output of the empire. The entire coal mining industry of Austria-Hungary was concentrated in the Czech Republic. From the 70s. The Czech Republic is gradually pushing Austria in industrial production. In the Czech Republic, the Skoda plant successfully developed (at first it manufactured weapons). Its products competed with those of the Krupp factories in Germany and Schneider-Priso in France. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Skoda began to produce bicycles, motorcycles and cars.
Hungary specialized in the production of electric lamps, ships, and diesel engines. At the beginning of the twentieth century. begin to produce aircraft, electrical engineering. The outlying regions (Eastern Galicia, Bukovina, Dalmatia, Subcarpathian Rus) were backward. Agrarian relations dominated here and only handicraft production was developed. The landlords of Austria-Hungary owned large tracts of land, and the peasantry was in a state of land hunger. Because of this, 2 million people are forced to move to North America (USA, Canada) in search of land.
The rise of national movements in the late XIX - early XX centuries. Czech National Movement.
The ethno-confessional structure of the Austrian Empire was extremely mosaic, and none of the peoples of the empire had a visible superiority in numbers over the other.
The peoples of the empire were divided into titular (privileged) nations and unprivileged ones. The first group includes Germans and Magyars. According to the data for 1910, the number of Germans is 12 million, the Magyars - 10 million. The total population of the empire is 51 million people. The 2nd group includes: Czechs (6 million), Poles (5 million), Croats (1.6 million), Romanians (3 million), Jews (2.2 million), Slovaks (1, 8 million)
The system of dualism, in which the Hungarians became autonomous, set many peoples up for the conquest of autonomy. The Czechs became ardent fighters for autonomy within the empire. They began to fight to turn dualism into trialism (Austria = Hungary = Czech Republic).
Since 1867, the legislative body of the Czech Republic - the Landtag began to present demands to the imperial government to give the Czech Republic autonomy. Franz Joseph decided to consider these requirements.
In the end, the Czechs were not given autonomy, because. Hungary opposed this (if the Czechs were given autonomy, then other peoples would ask for it). On the other hand, 37% of the Czech population are Germans, who also opposed autonomy. In addition, Chancellor Bismarck supported the Czech Germans.
FROM 1880s Czechs start fighting for national equality in the sphere of culture and language. In 1880, the Taafe imperial government passed a law requiring the administration and courts in the Czech Republic to conduct business in the language of the person whose case was being tried. This led to the growth of officials and judges of Czech origin, because. Most of the Germans did not know the Czech language, and almost all Czechs knew 2 languages.
IN 1882 Czechs achieve separation on the linguistic basis of one of the oldest universities in Europe - Prague. Education in it began to be conducted in Czech and in German.
In 1883, an electoral reform was carried out in the Czech Republic, which allowed the Czechs to gain a majority in the local Sejm. Here the Germans of the Czech Republic became worried, demanding in 1883 to divide the Czech Republic into Czech and German administrative districts, but the Czechs rejected this option, because. understood that it would be very difficult to achieve unification later.
IN 1897 the imperial government of Badeny carried out a reform in the Czech Republic, according to which officials in the Czech Republic had to know both Czech and German languages. Officials who did not learn the 2nd language in 3 years were subject to dismissal. The law caused dissatisfaction among the Czech Germans. Unrest began in the German regions, suppressed by the government and troops.
The nationalities of Galicia, Bukovina, Dalmatia, as well as the provinces of Cisleitania inhabited by Slovenes, were of particular concern until the beginning of the 20th century. Austria was not delivered.
The policy of the Austrians towards the Czechs was more loyal than the policy of the Hungarians towards the oppressed peoples. The Austrians did not seek to assimilate the Czechs, they were ready to make concessions to the Czechs and reform the state system in their favor. Hungarian government with 1867 The city passes a series of laws on the school, according to which school education is conducted only in the Hungarian language. IN 1868 d. the Hungarian parliament adopted a law "on the equality of nationalities", which, having proclaimed the kingdom a single national state, established that all its subjects, regardless of language, religion, nationality, were equal and constituted "a single Hungarian political nation." This happened with the aim of the Magyarization of the Slavic peoples. The Hungarians did not succeed, and the Slavic peoples still had their own national self-identification. The policy of the Hungarians was more rigid, they did not focus on providing equality to the Croats, Slovaks, Serbs and other peoples of Hungary.
The national aspect of the labor and socialist movement in Austria-Hungary. Austro-Marxism.
An important element in the modernization of economic, social and political structures, which received a powerful acceleration after 1867, was the emergence in Austria and Hungary of a large-scale industrial proletariat, as well as its economic and political organizations - the Social Democratic Party, trade unions, consumer cooperatives, insurance funds, and the press.
The first socialist organizations in both states arose immediately after the introduction of the constitutional system in 1867-1868. Closely connected with the German social democracy, they were built according to the organizational principles and ideological and theoretical guidelines of the latter. Very significant, especially at first, was the influence of Lassalleanism with all its negative and no small positive elements. The first congress of the Austrian Social Democracy, held in late 1888 and early 1889, proclaimed the creation of a Social Democratic Party, which in the same year became one of the founders of the Second International.
IN 1899 the Party Congress of the Austrian Socialists in Brno (Brunne) adopted "Brunsk program"- the first in the history of the international working-class movement a special program for solving the national question. This solution, the preamble said, is possible only in a democratic society, free from all privileges and all suppression. The program directed the class-conscious proletariat to fight primarily against "bureaucratic-state centralism" and to organize an administrative-political system, taking into account the ethnic factor, on the basis of equal rights for the peoples of Austria. The first of the demands was that Austria should be turned into a democratic union state of nationalities. Instead of crown lands, it was planned to create nationally delimited entities. The rights of national minorities in these areas are guaranteed by law. The congress rejected the so-called cultural-national autonomy proposed to it by a group of Yugoslav socialists.
In December 1890, with the help of the Second International and the Austrian socialists, the Social Democratic Party of Hungary was formed. Both parties declared themselves as a major socio-political force already in 1891 by organizing May Day marches and demonstrations with the participation of tens of thousands of workers in Budapest, Vienna and other centers of the empire.
By the beginning of the century, both socialist parties had become the most massive political parties in their countries. They stood on the platform of moderate Marxism, rejecting both the right-wing revisionism of E. Bernstein and anarchism, and later the left-wing radicalism of the Bolshevik-Leninist persuasion. Continuing the traditions of Marxist orthodoxy, the Austrian and Hungarian social democracies put fundamental structural reforms, the democratization of the social system, and specifically the achievement of universal, equal and secret suffrage at the center of their activities. The electoral system of both countries was characterized by a high property qualification, which significantly limited participation in political life working strata deprived of land and other property. In Austria, during the period of dualism, the electoral corps gradually expanded, and in 1906, under the pressure of the organized proletariat, universal suffrage was won. (In Hungary, by contrast, the 1874 law proved to be more moderate than even the corresponding 1848 law.)
In the peculiar socio-economic and ethno-political conditions of the monarchy at the turn of the century, a special trend of international socialist thought and practice grew and became stronger. austro-marxism Among other areas of Marxist socialism, he stood out for his special commitment to national issues, fruitful efforts to modernize the philosophical foundations of Marxist teaching, taking into account the revolution that took place at the turn of the century in natural sciences. The founders of Austro-Marxism, Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, scientifically substantiated the theory of cultural-national autonomy as a variant of solving the national question in a multinational country, and thus attracted the attention of socialists all over the world, including Russian ones, to this most acute and complex issue.
Among those who drew their ideas from the theoretical arsenal of Austro-Marxism were V.I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin, who wrote their well-known work on Marxism and the national question in January-February 1913 in Vienna. Russian Marxists sharply and sometimes justifiably criticized the concept of cultural-national autonomy, but in developing their program, they repelled and relied on it. The cultural-national autonomy, despised and neglected by them, was and is in a number of specific cases a more realistic, painless solution to the national question than the thesis of the self-determination of nations “up to secession” raised by the Bolsheviks to an absolute.
The propaganda of various variants of national autonomy developed by Austro-Marxism did not save the Austrian socialist workers' movement from the penetration of nationalism into its ranks. In particular, this was expressed in the undermining by the Czech separatists of the international unity of the Social Democratic Party and the trade union movement. As a result of the creation of the "Czech Slav Party", and then others like it, the socialist movement split the axis along national lines before the collapse of the empire took place.
Features of Austro-Marxism:
He did not deny private property
He took into account precisely the Austro-Hungarian specifics (the Austro-Marxists developed a solution to the national problem, while "pure" Marxism was international. He did not care about the problems of nationalities).
A feature of the labor movement was that it did not have a single center.
The longer the war lasted, the more the high command had to pay attention to the internal situation of the country. The reports of the highest military bodies, the materials of the Vienna counterintelligence center, the observations of the political group of the intelligence bureau and the reports of special secret observers - all this provided abundant material for assessing the internal political situation.
It was impossible not to admit that the poor organization of the food supply in Austria began to stifle the will to war even among the absolutely reliable sections of the population. In the German part of Bohemia, in the Moravian-Silesian coalfield, in Styria, Lower Austria and Vienna, it came to demonstrations. Reassuring assurances and references to objective conditions were of little use if food was not delivered on time.
It was remarkable that the Social Democracy stood aloof from these actions. On May 1, 1916, the leader of the Social Democracy, Pernerstorfer, praised Emperor Wilhelm II as a peace-loving monarch and emphasized the interest of the working class in bringing the war to a victorious end. Domes spoke at a meeting of the Austrian Metal Workers' Union in July with the slogan "hold on to the end".
This attitude towards the war on the part of the Social Democracy is all the more remarkable in that a movement of international solidarity of the working class was already emerging abroad. The "Dutch faction", clearly hostile to the Central Powers, decided at the March Congress of 1916 in The Hague to conduct anti-militarist propaganda in the belligerent countries, to spread rumors of peace in the Central Powers and to prepare a general strike in neutral countries seeking to enter the war. The congress was attended by German French, Russian and Rumanian social democrats and anarchists; from Austria there was only one Social Democrat - Paul.
Proclamations that appeared in various parts of Germany and Austria at the beginning of 191–6 called on the population to take action against the war. Anti-war postcards were also confiscated.
Attention was drawn to the excessively large number of German, Polish and Hungarian Jews who deserted to Holland, in connection with which in the spring of 1916 we appointed Lt. Col. Ishkovsky. According to the information he received, the desertion was organized by England with the help of Zionist organizations. There is no doubt that the head of the Zionists in Scheveningen, Heinrich Grünzwein, was in close contact with the Zionists in Krakow and Lvov.
The real disaster was the prisoners of war who fled from the camps. By the end of April 1916, there were already 12,440 of them. True, only a few of them, like Gen. Kornilov, managed to get home, but the rest kept our security agencies in constant fear of the possibility of sabotage attacks. As reality has shown, these fears were exaggerated. The explosion at the Enzesfeld military factory on May 18, 1916 was caused by excessive heating of the boiler. Other accidents were also caused by non-observance of technical safety rules in production. Only the explosion of the arsenal in Cetinje, which was supposed to serve as a signal for an uprising, could be attributed to the Montenegrins.
The explosion of the arsenal served as a prearranged signal for a simultaneous general attack on the occupying forces. At the head of the conspiracy, revealed in a timely manner, was the former Serbian Minister of War, Gen. Radomir Vezovich. When the governor-general sent one officer to him to convey the demand to leave the country within 24 hours, Vezovich, together with his two brothers, treacherously killed the officer, and he himself fled to the mountains. His father and brother were taken hostage, and it was announced that they would be hanged if Vezovich did not appear in court within five days. Vezovich continued to hide. As a result, his brother was given into the hands of the executioner, the elderly father was pardoned. Only after the announcement of an amnesty in the spring of 1918 did the general appear and immediately express his readiness to take part in the fight against the rebels. even gave him a monthly allowance of 1,000 crowns.
A certain danger was also represented by prisoners who returned from Russia as an exchange. The anti-state propaganda organized in the Russian POW camps could also have an adverse effect on the returnees. In addition, it was necessary for the future to identify traitors and instigators who remained in Russia. In this regard, it was necessary to organize a kind of political quarantine, through which it was necessary to separate loyal elements from anti-state ones and, through a survey, obtain incriminating data on the activities of traitors in captivity. Therefore, in mid-September, at a meeting in the Ministry of War, it was decided at the 10th department (cases of prisoners of war) to organize, together with the censorship service, a registration of politically unreliable persons. In addition, in Sassnitz (Germany), where returning prisoners arrived from Sweden, a checkpoint was organized.
Protests against the mass internment of politically suspicious persons began to be frequently received from state bodies and public organizations. Gradually, counterintelligence itself began to look at things more calmly. The provincial governments were tasked with investigating the internees and the reasons for their internment. Those found not guilty were released. In Thalerdorf (near Graz) in the middle of 1916, of the 14,000 Galicians and Bukovinians who were located, about. 11,300 people. The rest were predominantly Rusyns. As it turned out later, they acted too liberally. The Przemysl military district had a lot of trouble with the returnees, among whom turned out to be a very different Russophile. In Syrmia, after a hasty check of the internees in the camps, such a large number of anti-state elements returned that the military command had to resort to their internment again.
One of the consequences of the defeat on the Russian front was a new aggravation of the Polish question. The socialist Iodko Narkevich suggested that our high command use a secret Polish military organization, which, according to the regiment. Paich, numbered up to 300,000 people. In the conditions of that time, one could not underestimate such strength. If used incorrectly, it was a great danger. The only question is under what conditions it was possible to achieve its use. There was no unanimity between Germany and Austria-Hungary on this matter. After recent setbacks on the Austro-Hungarian front, Germany was not at all inclined to agree to an Austro-Polish agreement. In addition, by this time, relations with Brigadier Pilsudski had worsened due to the refusal to give him command of all the Polish legions. The reason for the refusal was numerous protests from Polish groups hostile to Piłsudski, especially right-wing parties. As a result, in July 1916 he submitted his resignation. Consent to this was given to him only on September 26, 1916.
In the meantime, it was decided to create a Polish auxiliary corps instead of the legion. As a result of lengthy negotiations with Col. Sikorsky, an ardent supporter of the Austro-Polish agreement, it was planned to form a Polish corps consisting of 4 brigades, with their own regimental colors and Polish uniforms. However, before that, a declaration of the Central Powers regarding the future of Poland was necessary. In connection with the resistance of Germany, one solution remained: to declare Poland an independent state, and to promise Galicia broad autonomy, leaving it a Polish province of Austria. A whole storm of indignation arose against the "new partition of Poland." Deputy Dashinsky sharply attacked the command of the eastern front, through whose fault this rotten compromise became necessary. The high command, who knew about all this from their secret informants, had to make every effort to further agree on the Polish question between Austria and Germany. In addition, at this time the danger in the east had already been eliminated, and there was no longer an urgent need for a Polish army, which was still, in essence, in the realm of the imagination. Meanwhile, the creation of an independent Polish kingdom, if necessary, further pumping out economic resources from the population, was associated with undesirable complications. However, the case had already been started, and on November 5, 1916, a manifesto was published by the Central Powers. As established by our agents, the first impression was, contrary to expectations, good.
However, this did not last long. The Entente, in fear of the ghost of the Polish army, qualified the manifesto as a violation of international law. Its press poured out poison and bile, convincing the Poles that all this was done only for the sake of recruiting new soldiers. The Russophiles, above all Dmovsky, protested. Seyda, Count Zamoyski and Paderewski came out with a fiery protest. The socialists were also indignant at the occupying authorities - the "hangmen of Poland", who had sold Polish independence. Regiment. Sikorsky, who decided to resume recruiting, was heavily attacked. He was called a corrupt traitor, trading in the blood of the Polish people. The Polish military organization called for joining its ranks, but it postponed arming its members until the start of the offensive against Russia.
Entente agents appeared in Poland, agitating against the formation of an army. Our embassy in Copenhagen, which counteracted the espionage of the Russian Colonel Potocki and the military attache Beskrovny, established that propaganda was spreading from Denmark, seeking to arouse discontent in the Polish legion and among our and German troops in Poland and Lithuania. Recruitment into the Polish corps was a complete failure. The Poles in the newly created kingdom were dissatisfied with the fact that the occupying authorities continued to seize food and other necessities from them. The Poles in Galicia, left separated from Poland, grumbled. Finally, the Ukrainians lost hope of freeing themselves from the rule of the Poles. The result of all this was deep dissatisfaction and excitement in the country, which had suffered greatly from the evacuation of the able-bodied population by the Russians and from the abuses of the Galician authorities. Thus, a clever, at first glance, political chess move turned out to be unsuccessful in all respects.
The only practical success achieved by the intelligence service was that (the dissemination of the manifesto on the Russian front by means of balloons greatly increased the influx of Polish defectors. This soon encouraged the Russians to use their Poles on the Caucasian front.
The mass of documents seized in Serbia revealed the abnormal situation that prevailed in our border areas. After an initial cursory review of these documents by the commission of Colonel Kerhnave, in order to obtain a general overview, I organized at the end of 1916 a systematic study of them by various authorities. Minister Pašić's papers traced all the stages of a broadly conceived policy to strengthen Serbia.Links were revealed with the Slavs in Austria-Hungary and even with the Hungarians.After the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the general political line of Serbia consisted was to blame the war on Austria-Hungary.
Before the war, the network of Serbian espionage, with the assistance of Czechs and Serbs, covered the whole of Austria-Hungary. According to the cash book of the Serbian Ministry of War for 1914, there was a payment to 53 agents in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 31 agents in Croatian Slovenia, 5-6 in Hungary and in Sofia - a double spy engineer Kralj, who transferred the tasks of our military attache to the Serbs. Even more interesting data was found in the cash books regarding the spending of the secret fund of the Serbian Prime Minister. According to them, it was established that politicians who fought abroad against Austria, such as: Ginkovich, Zupilo, Bakotich, prof. Reis, Gregorin, Ivo, Voinovich and Dr. Gavrila received very substantial subsidies. So, for example, from May 29 to July 3, 1915, Zupilo received 12,000 dinars. A number of our agents turned out to be doubles. Among them is Taushanovich, who sold our cipher to the Serbs, obtained from the intelligence post in Panchov. Then the "international spy" and swindler Kuzhel, who tried to betray our agents in Thessaloniki to the Serbian envoy in Athens. Finally, the Albanian Bayram Kur, who has played the role of a double spy for the longest time. We also learned that an official of Serbian origin, who during the Balkan war was in charge of our radio station, set up on the border of Bosnia to intercept Serbian dispatches, had given this secret to the Serbian organization Narodna Odbrana.
A number of documents greatly compromised the Karageorgievich dynasty. In particular, an indictment from a military court dated 1879 was found, in which Petar Karageorgievich, Lukic from Milosevac and the tailor Milan Selyakovic were accused of illegally coming to Serbia in order to kill the reigning monarch. Even worse was a letter from S. Lukashevich to Pashich with a copy of a letter to the king dated 1905. In this letter, Lukashevich threatened the king that if his just monetary demands were not satisfied, he “will expose the monstrous facts: the assassination of King Alexander Obrenovic on the orders of Peter, the preparation of the Serbian invasion of Montenegro by deceiving the border guards with false documents; receiving commissions for orders for guns, Peter's intention to poison the Montenegrin princess Xenia if she marries King Alexander Obrenovich, etc. As can be seen from the Serbian accounting, the stubborn Lukashevich really got his money.
In the presence of such morals, it is not surprising that the Serbs who fled to Geneva accused each other of embezzling public money.
Serbian intelligence agencies promptly destroyed their documents. Only in Loznica was this precaution not taken. Thanks to this, in the spring of 1916, a grandiose trial of 156 defendants began in Banjaluka, and in the winter in a military court in Sarajevo, a trial of 39 defendants. The head of intelligence, Captain Kosta Todorovich, who committed suicide in September 1914 in order not to be captured, carefully kept a diary and a list of agents. Thanks to this and with the help of other documents, military experts managed to uncover the entire history of Serbian intelligence and its connection with the Slovenski Yug and Narodna Odbrana organizations. Most of the defendants - 119 people - were found guilty. Among the most important defendants sentenced to death, which was replaced by a prison at the Pardon, were 6 priests and 4 teachers.
In Dalmatia, where in general the Slavs were more loyal, agitators unexpectedly appeared, calling on the soldiers to desert. In a strange way, even excellent soldiers often did not return from vacation. Despite all efforts, the root of the evil could not be found.
The Slovenes, out of hatred for Italy, did their duty, but it was clear that they only postponed until the end of the war their hopes for unification with the Croats. In connection with the opposition of Hungary, the idea spread more and more, especially among the intelligentsia and youth, to achieve unification outside the framework of Austria-Hungary. The local authorities of Carniola themselves had to admit that the schools in Laibach educated the youth more in the spirit of high treason than in the spirit of loyalty. Abroad, Serb anti-Austrian propaganda was making alarming progress. There were approximately 700,000 Serbs in America, most of whom were hostile to Austria-Hungary, and this fact could not be underestimated. These sentiments were evaded by the campaign trips of Dr. Potochniak and Milan Marjanovic. True, there was no unity among the various organizations. In Europe, Massaryk sought to unite parties that were united only in a hostile attitude towards Austria-Hungary. The Italians began to change their attitude towards the Slovaks, given that the hostility of the Slovene population made it extremely difficult to carry out their conquest plans. Minister Bisolatti announced in an interview published by the newspaper "Maten" about the upcoming alliance with the Yugoslavs.
Since 1916, the movement in favor of Czech independence began to wane in Bohemia. On the one hand, the leaders of the movement were neutralized, on the other hand, the inability of the Russians to develop their successes at the front affected. In addition, the population was not up to politics because of food difficulties.
In South Tyrol, after the flight or internment of the irredentist intelligentsia, the spirit of loyalty prevailed. In particular, it found expression in July, when the traitors Cesare Battisti and Fabio Filzi were captured by local guards. When both captives had made their "arrival in the city," the inhabitants of Trient poured out into the street in droves. The convoy had to make every effort to save the traitors from lynching. Yet he could not force the population to stop spitting on the traitors, by which, according to the Italian custom, they expressed their feelings.
With regard to the loyalty of the Italians who fell into Russian captivity, their compatriots were also very disappointed. As early as October 6, 1914, the Russian ambassador in Rome, Krupensky, offered to transport between 10,000 and 20,000 Italian prisoners. This plan began to be carried out with the help of all sorts of tricks even before Italy entered the war, but most of the prisoners indignantly rejected the proposal. So, for example, in the camp, where there were 2,500 Italians, only one gave his consent. Later, due to the aggravation of the need among the prisoners and the loss of hope to return to their homeland, 4,300 of the 25,000 captured Italians were found, who were recognized as reliable and sent through Arkhangelsk to Italy. Of these, only 300 volunteered to go to the front. Italy could not hide her disappointment, and at the address of the leader of this case, the regiment. Many reproaches were sent to Bassignano. Approximately 2,000 people. of the total number of captured Italians, who reached IK at that time, 40,000 people were gathered during the Russian revolution in the camps near Kirsanov, but they also preferred to make their way through Siberia. The prisoners who ended up in Italy, naturally, wanted to keep in touch with their families, without revealing, however, their unseemly behavior. For this purpose, their mail began to be sent to a secret address in St. Petersburg "Uffizio centrale dei prigtonieri". But since the Italian post office put its stamp on these letters, this trick was immediately revealed by us.
Casting a general glance at the last months of 1916, it must be admitted that from a national point of view, the lack of food caused a number of unfavorable consequences, but counterintelligence, thanks to its good organization, successfully carried out its tasks.
Judicial workers who dealt with cases of espionage and treason specialized in this case. In addition, both they and the intelligence workers were greatly helped by the book of the officer of the General Staff, Captain Dr. Zobering, Major Ishkovsky and Captain Nordegg, "Anti-Espionage Service".
The work of counterintelligence was facilitated by the fact that the Austrian parliament had been dissolved since the beginning of the war. The activities of the Hungarian parliament, due to the more patriotic composition of the deputies, were less dangerous, although here too many rash speeches were made, which provided rich material for enemy propaganda.
The assassination of Prime Minister Count Stürk on October 21 testified to the presence of a radical wing in the Social Democratic Party that did not obey the old tried and tested leadership of Viktor Adler, Pernerstorfer and Schumeyer. The murderer, the son of Viktor Adler, put forward the negative attitude of Count Stürk to the convocation of parliament as a motive for the crime. Further, in early November, the national conference of the German Social Democratic Party of Austria passed a resolution on the immediate convocation of parliament and put forward the wish of Fr. an early end to the war.
